Find schools and get information on the program that’s right for you.
Powered by Campus Explorer
All Rights Reserved.
Site last updated
26 June, 2013
T. Roosevelt on Native AmericansFrom his State of the Union Message, 1901
Speech, September 1901
In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have already become citizens of the United States. We should now break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There will be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to be held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop should be put upon the discriminate permission to Indians to lease their allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work like any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians should be made the same as those of the whites. In the schools the education should be elementary and largely industrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very, very limited. On the reservations care should be taken to try to suit the teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle raising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is highly detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It must continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common. The Indian should be treated as an individual-like the white man. During the change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur; every effort should be made to minimize these hardships; but we should not because of them hesitate to make the change. There should be a continuous reduction in the number of agencies. In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about.
From his State of the Union Message, 1902
Again, when Oklahoma became a State we were obliged to use
the executive power to protect Indian rights and property, for there
had been an enormous amount of fraud in the obtaining of Indian lands
by white men. Here we were denounced as usurping power over a State as
well as usurping power that did not belong to the executive. The
Supreme Court sustained our action.
In connection with the Indians, by the way, it was again and again
necessary to assert the position of the President as steward of the
whole people. I had a capital Indian Commissioner, Francis E. Leupp. I
found that I could rely on his judgment not to get me into fights that
were unnecessary, and therefore I always backed him to the limit when
he told me that a fight was necessary. On one occasion, for example,
Congress passed a bill to sell to settlers about half a million acres
of Indian land in Oklahoma at one and a half dollars an acre. I
refused to sign it, and turned the matter over to Leupp. The bill was
accordingly withdrawn, amended so as to safeguard the welfare of the
Indians, and the minimum price raised to five dollars an acre. Then I
signed the bill. We sold that land under sealed bids, and realized for
the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Indians more than four million dollars
--three millions and a quarter more than they would have obtained if I
had signed the bill in its original form. In another case, where there
had been a division among the Sac and Fox Indians, part of the tribe
removing to Iowa, the Iowa delegation in Congress, backed by two
Iowans who were members of my Cabinet, passed a bill awarding a sum of
nearly a half million dollars to the Iowa seceders. They had not
consulted the Indian Bureau. Leupp protested against the bill, and I
vetoed it. A subsequent bill was passed on the lines laid down by the
Indian Bureau, referring the whole controversy to the courts, and the
Supreme Court in the end justified our position by deciding against
the Iowa seceders and awarding the money to the Oklahoma stay-at-
From his State of the Union Message, 1904
- In dealing with the Indians our aim should be their ultimate absorption into the body of our people. But in many cases this absorption must and should be very slow. In portions of the Indian Territory the mixture of blood has gone on at the same time with progress in wealth and education, so that there are plenty of men with varying degrees of purity of Indian blood who are absolutely indistinguishable in point of social, political, and economic ability from their white associates. There are other tribes which have as yet made no perceptible advance toward such equality. To try to force such tribes too fast is to prevent their going forward at all. Moreover, the tribes live under widely different conditions. Where a tribe has made considerable advance and lives on fertile farming soil it is possible to allot the members lands in severalty much as is the case with white settlers. There are other tribes where such a course is not desirable. On the arid prairie lands the effort should be to induce the Indians to lead pastoral rather than agricultural lives, and to permit them to settle in villages rather than to force them into isolation.
The large Indian schools situated remote from any Indian reservation do a special and peculiar work of great importance. But, excellent though these are, an immense amount of additional work must be done on the reservations themselves among the old, and above all among the young, Indians. The first and most important step toward the absorption of the Indian is to teach him to earn his living; yet it is not necessarily to be assumed that in each community all Indians must become either tillers of the soil or stock raisers. Their industries may properly be diversified, and those who show special desire or adaptability for industrial or even commercial pursuits should be encouraged so far as practicable to follow out each his own bent.
Every effort should be made to develop the Indian along the lines of natural aptitude, and to encourage the existing native industries peculiar to certain tribes, such as the various kinds of basket weaving, canoe building, smith work, and blanket work. Above all, the Indian boys and girls should be given confident command of colloquial English, and should ordinarily be prepared for a vigorous struggle with the conditions under which their people live, rather than for immediate absorption into some more highly developed community.
The officials who represent the Government in dealing with the Indians work under hard conditions, and also under conditions which render it easy to do wrong and very difficult to detect wrong. Consequently they should be amply paid on the one hand, and on the other hand a particularly high standard of conduct should be demanded from them, and where misconduct can be proved the punishment should be exemplary.
From his State of the Union Message, 1905
The progress of the Indians toward civilization, though not rapid, is perhaps all that could be hoped for in view of the circumstances. Within the past year many tribes have shown, in a degree greater than ever before, an appreciation of the necessity of work. This changed attitude is in part due to the policy recently pursued of reducing the amount of subsistence to the Indians, and thus forcing them, through sheer necessity, to work for a livelihood. The policy, though severe, is a useful one, but it is to be exercised only with judgment and with a full understanding of the conditions which exist in each community for which it is intended. On or near the Indian reservations there is usually very little demand for labor, and if the Indians are to earn their living and when work can not be furnished from outside (which is always preferable), then it must be furnished by the Government. Practical instruction of this kind would in a few years result in the forming of habits of regular industry, which would render the Indian a producer and would effect a great reduction in the cost of his maintenance. It is commonly declared that the slow advance of the Indians is due to the unsatisfactory character of the men appointed to take immediate charge of them, and to some extent this is true. While the standard of the employees in the Indian Service shows great improvement over that of bygone years, and while actual corruption or flagrant dishonesty is now the rare exception, it is nevertheless the fact that the salaries paid Indian agents are not large enough to attract the best men to that field of work. To achieve satisfactory results the official in charge of an Indian tribe should possess the high qualifications which are required in the manager of a large business, but only in exceptional cases is it possible to secure men of such a type for these positions. Much better service, however, might be obtained from those now holding the places were it practicable to get out of them the best that is in them, and this should be done by bringing them constantly into closer touch with their superior officers. An agent who has been content to draw his salary, giving in return the least possible equivalent in effort and service, may, by proper treatment, by suggestion and encouragement, or persistent urging, be stimulated to greater effort and induced to take a more active personal interest in his work.
Under existing conditions an Indian agent in the distant West may be wholly out of touch with the office of the Indian Bureau. He may very well feel that no one takes a personal interest in him or his efforts. Certain routine duties in the way of reports and accounts are required of him, but there is no one with whom he may intelligently consult on matters vital to his work, except after long delay. Such a man would be greatly encouraged and aided by personal contact with some one whose interest in Indian affairs and whose authority in the Indian Bureau were greater than his own, and such contact would be certain to arouse and constantly increase the interest he takes in his work. The distance which separates the agents--the workers in the field--from the Indian Office in Washington is a chief obstacle to Indian progress. Whatever shall more closely unite these two branches of the Indian Service, and shall enable them to co-operate more heartily and more effectively, will be for the increased efficiency of the work and the betterment of the race for whose improvement the Indian Bureau was established. The appointment of a field assistant to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs would be certain to insure this good end. Such an official, if possessed of the requisite energy and deep interest in the work, would be a most efficient factor in bringing into closer relationship and a more direct union of effort the Bureau in Washington and its agents in the field; and with the co-operation of its branches thus secured the Indian Bureau would, in measure fuller than ever before, lift up the savage toward that self-help and self-reliance which constitute the man.
The Alaskan natives are kindly, intelligent, anxious to learn, and willing to work. Those who have come under the influence of civilization, even for a limited period, have proved their capability of becoming self-supporting, self-respecting citizens, and ask only for the just enforcement of law and intelligent instruction and supervision. Others, living in more remote regions, primitive, simple hunters and fisher folk, who know only the life of the woods and the waters, are daily being confronted with twentieth-century civilization with all of its complexities. Their country is being overrun by strangers, the game slaughtered and driven away, the streams depleted of fish, and hitherto unknown and fatal diseases brought to them, all of which combine to produce a state of abject poverty and want which must result in their extinction. Action in their interest is demanded by every consideration of justice and humanity.
The needs of these people are:
The abolition of the present fee system, whereby the native is degraded, imposed upon, and taught the injustice of law.
The establishment of hospitals at central points, so that contagious diseases that are brought to them continually by incoming whites may be localized and not allowed to become epidemic, to spread death and destitution over great areas. The development of the educational system in the form of practical training in such industries as will assure the Indians self-support under the changed conditions in which they will have to live. The duties of the office of the governor should be extended to include the supervision of Indian affairs, with necessary assistants in different districts. He should be provided with the means and the power to protect and advise the native people, to furnish medical treatment in time of epidemics, and to extend material relief in periods of famine and extreme destitution.
The Alaskan natives should be given the right to acquire, hold, and dispose of property upon the same conditions as given other inhabitants; and the privilege of citizenship should be given to such as may be able to meet certain definite requirements.
From his State of the Union Message, 1907
During the year just past, the phase of the Indian question which has been most sharply brought to public attention is the larger legal significance of the Indian's induction into citizenship. This has made itself manifest not only in a great access of litigation in which the citizen Indian figures as a party defendant and in a more widespread disposition to levy local taxation upon his personalty, but in a decision of the United States Supreme Court which struck away the main prop on which has hitherto rested the Government's benevolent effort to protect him against the evils of intemperance. The court holds, in effect, that when an Indian becomes, by virtue of an allotment of land to him, a citizen of the State in which his land is situated, he passes from under Federal control in such matters as this, and the acts of the Congress prohibiting the sale or gift to him of intoxicants become substantially inoperative. It is gratifying to note that the States and municipalities of the West which have most at stake in the welfare of the Indians are taking up this subject and are trying to supply, in a measure at least, the abdication of its trusteeship forced upon the Federal Government. Nevertheless, I would urgently press upon the attention of the Congress the question whether some amendment of the internal revenue laws might not be of aid in prosecuting those malefactors, known in the Indian country as "bootleggers," who are engaged at once in defrauding the United States Treasury of taxes and, what is far more important, in debauching the Indians by carrying liquors illicitly into territory still completely under Federal jurisdiction.
Among the crying present needs of the Indians are more day schools situated in the midst of their settlements, more effective instruction in the industries pursued on their own farms, and a more liberal extension of the field-matron service, which means the education of the Indian women in the arts of home making. Until the mothers are well started in the right direction we cannot reasonably expect much from the children who are soon to form an integral part of our American citizenship. Moreover the excuse continually advanced by male adult Indians for refusing offers of remunerative employment at a distance from their homes is that they dare not leave their families too long out of their sight. One effectual remedy for this state of things is to employ the minds and strengthen the moral fibre of the Indian women--the end to which the work of the field matron is especially directed. I trust that the Congress will make its appropriations for Indian day schools and field matrons as generous as may consist with the other pressing demands upon its providence.
I also earnestly ask your attention to the needs of the Alaskan Indians. All Indians who are competent should receive the full rights of American citizenship. It is, for instance, a gross and indefensible wrong to deny to such hard-working, decent-living Indians as the Metlakahtlas the right to obtain licenses as captains, pilots, and engineers; the right to enter mining claims, and to profit by the homestead law. These particular Indians are civilized and are competent and entitled to be put on the same basis with the white men round about them.
From his State of the Union Message, 1908
The duty of the National Government to guard the personal and property rights of the Indians within her borders remains of course unchanged. I reiterate my recommendations of last year as regards Alaska. Some form of local self-government should be provided, as simple and inexpensive as possible; it is impossible for the Congress to devote the necessary time to all the little details of necessary Alaskan legislation. Road building and railway building should be encouraged. The Governor of Alaska should begiven an ample appropriation wherewith to organize a force to preserve the public peace. Whisky selling to the natives should be made a felony.
From "In Cowboy Land", Autobiography
It has been my purpose from the beginning of my administration to take the Indian Service completely out of the atmosphere of political activity, and there has been steady progress toward that end. The last remaining stronghold of politics in that service was the agency system, which had seen its best days and was gradually falling to pieces from natural or purely evolutionary causes, but, like all such survivals, was decaying slowly in its later stages. It seems clear that its extinction had better be made final now, so that the ground can be cleared for larger constructive work on behalf of the Indians, preparatory to their induction into the full measure of responsible citizenship. On November 1 only eighteen agencies were left on the roster; with two exceptions, where some legal questions seemed to stand temporarily in the way, these have been changed to superintendencies, and their heads brought into the classified civil service.
From "Applied Idealism", Autobiography
When I went West, the last great Indian wars had just come to an end,
but there were still sporadic outbreaks here and there, and
occasionally bands of marauding young braves were a menace to outlying
and lonely settlements. Many of the white men were themselves lawless
and brutal, and prone to commit outrages on the Indians.
Unfortunately, each race tended to hold all the members of the other
race responsible for the misdeeds of a few, so that the crime of the
miscreant, red or white, who committed the original outrage too often
invited retaliation upon entirely innocent people, and this action
would in its turn arouse bitter feeling which found vent in still more
indiscriminate retaliation. The first year I was on the Little
Missouri some Sioux bucks ran off all the horses of a buffalo-hunter's
outfit. One of the buffalo-hunters tried to get even by stealing the
horses of a Cheyenne hunting party, and when pursued made for a cow
camp, with, as a result, a long-range skirmish between the cowboys and
the Cheyennes. One of the latter was wounded; but this particular
wounded man seemed to have more sense than the other participants in
the chain of wrong-doing, and discriminated among the whites. He came
into our camp and had his wound dressed.
A year later I was at a desolate little mud road ranch on the Deadwood
trail. It was kept by a very capable and very forceful woman, with
sound ideas of justice and abundantly well able to hold her own. Her
husband was a worthless devil, who finally got drunk on some whisky he
obtained from an outfit of Missouri bull-whackers--that is,
freighters, driving ox wagons. Under the stimulus of the whisky he
picked a quarrel with his wife and attempted to beat her. She knocked
him down with a stove-lid lifter, and the admiring bull-whackers bore
him off, leaving the lady in full possession of the ranch. When I
visited her she had a man named Crow Joe working for her, a slab-
sided, shifty-eyed person who later, as I heard my foreman explain,
"skipped the country with a bunch of horses." The mistress of the
ranch made first-class buckskin shirts of great durability. The one
she made for me, and which I used for years, was used by one of my
sons in Arizona a couple of winters ago. I had ridden down into the
country after some lost horses, and visited the ranch to get her to
make me the buckskin shirt in question. There were, at the moment,
three Indians there, Sioux, well behaved and self-respecting, and she
explained to me that they had been resting there waiting for dinner,
and that a white man had come along and tried to run off their horses.
The Indians were on the lookout, however, and, running out, they
caught the man; but, after retaking their horses and depriving him of
his gun, they let him go. "I don't see why they let him go," exclaimed
my hostess. "I don't believe in stealing Indians' horses any more than
white folks'; so I told 'em they could go along and hang him--I'd
never cheep. Anyhow, I won't charge them anything for their dinner,"
concluded my hostess. She was in advance of the usual morality of the
time and place, which drew a sharp line between stealing citizens'
horses and stealing horses from the Government or the Indians.
A fairly decent citizen, Jap Hunt, who long ago met a violent death,
exemplified this attitude towards Indians in some remarks I once heard
him make. He had started a horse ranch, and had quite honestly
purchased a number of broken-down horses of different brands, with the
view of doctoring them and selling them again. About this time there
had been much horse-stealing and cattle-killing in our Territory and
in Montana, and under the direction of some of the big cattle-growers
a committee of vigilantes had been organized to take action against
the rustlers, as the horse thieves and cattle thieves were called. The
vigilantes, or stranglers, as they were locally known, did their work
thoroughly; but, as always happens with bodies of the kind, toward the
end they grew reckless in their actions, paid off private grudges, and
hung men on slight provocation. Riding into Jap Hunt's ranch, they
nearly hung him because he had so many horses of different brands. He
was finally let off. He was much upset by the incident, and explained
again and again, "The idea of saying that I was a horse thief! Why, I
never stole a horse in my life--leastways from a white man. I don't
count Indians nor the Government, of course." Jap had been reared
among men still in the stage of tribal morality, and while they
recognized their obligations to one another, both the Government and
the Indians seemed alien bodies, in regard to which the laws of
morality did not apply.
On the other hand, parties of savage young bucks would treat lonely
settlers just as badly, and in addition sometimes murder them. Such a
party was generally composed of young fellows burning to distinguish
themselves. Some one of their number would have obtained a pass from
the Indian Agent allowing him to travel off the reservation, which
pass would be flourished whenever their action was questioned by
bodies of whites of equal strength. I once had a trifling encounter
with such a band. I was making my way along the edge of the bad lands,
northward from my lower ranch, and was just crossing a plateau when
five Indians rode up over the further rim. The instant they saw me
they whipped out their guns and raced full speed at me, yelling and
flogging their horses. I was on a favorite horse, Manitou, who was a
wise old fellow, with nerves not to be shaken by anything. I at once
leaped off him and stood with my rifle ready.
It was possible that the Indians were merely making a bluff and
intended no mischief. But I did not like their actions, and I thought
it likely that if I allowed them to get hold of me they would at least
take my horse and rifle, and possibly kill me. So I waited until they
were a hundred yards off and then drew a bead on the first. Indians--
and, for the matter of that, white men--do not like to ride in on a
man who is cool and means shooting, and in a twinkling every man was
lying over the side of his horse, and all five had turned and were
galloping backwards, having altered their course as quickly as so many
After this one of them made the peace sign, with his blanket first,
and then, as he rode toward me, with his open hand. I halted him at a
fair distance and asked him what he wanted. He exclaimed, "How! Me
good Injun, me good Injun," and tried to show me the dirty piece of
paper on which his agency pass was written. I told him with sincerity
that I was glad that he was a good Indian, but that he must not come
any closer. He then asked for sugar and tobacco. I told him I had
none. Another Indian began slowly drifting toward me in spite of my
calling out to keep back, so I once more aimed with my rifle,
whereupon both Indians slipped to the other side of their horses and
galloped off, with oaths that did credit to at least one side of their
acquaintance with English. I now mounted and pushed over the plateau
on to the open prairie. In those days an Indian, although not as good
a shot as a white man, was infinitely better at crawling under and
taking advantage of cover; and the worst thing a white man could do
was to get into cover, whereas out in the open if he kept his head he
had a good chance of standing off even half a dozen assailants. The
Indians accompanied me for a couple of miles. Then I reached the open
prairie, and resumed my northward ride, not being further molested.
Quay was descended from a French voyageur who had some Indian blood in
him. He was proud of this Indian blood, took an especial interest in
Indians, and whenever Indians came to Washington they always called on
him. Once during my Administration a delegation of Iroquois came over
from Canada to call on me at the White House. Their visit had in it
something that was pathetic as well as amusing. They represented the
descendants of the Six Nations, who fled to Canada after Sullivan
harried their towns in the Revolutionary War. Now, a century and a
quarter later, their people thought that they would like to come back
into the United States; and these representatives had called upon me
with the dim hope that perhaps I could give their tribes land on which
they could settle. As soon as they reached Washington they asked Quay
to bring them to call on me, which he did, telling me that of course
their errand was hopeless and that he had explained as much to them,
but that they would like me to extend the courtesy of an interview. At
the close of the interview, which had been conducted with all the
solemnities of calumet and wampum, the Indians filed out. Quay, before
following them, turned to me with his usual emotionless face and said,
"Good-by, Mr. President; this reminds one of the Flight of a Tartar
Tribe, doesn't it?" I answered, "So you're fond of De Quincey,
Senator?" to which Quay responded, "Yes; always liked De Quincey;
good-by." And away he went with the tribesmen, who seemed to have
walked out of a remote past.
Quay had become particularly concerned about the Delawares in the
Indian Territory. He felt that the Interior Department did not do them
justice. He also felt that his colleagues of the Senate took no
interest in them. When in the spring of 1904 he lay in his house
mortally sick, he sent me word that he had something important to say
to me, and would have himself carried round to see me. I sent back
word not to think of doing so, and that on my way back from church
next Sunday I would stop in and call on him. This I accordingly did.
He was lying in his bed, death written on his face. He thanked me for
coming, and then explained that, as he was on the point of death and
knew he would never return to Washington--it was late spring and he
was about to leave--he wished to see me to get my personal promise
that, after he died, I would myself look after the interests of the
Delaware Indians. He added that he did not trust the Interior
Department--although he knew that I did not share his views on this
point--and that still less did he believe that any of his colleagues
in the Senate would exert themselves in the interests of the
Delawares, and that therefore he wished my personal assurance that I
would personally see that no injustice was done them. I told him I
would do so, and then added, in rather perfunctory fashion, that he
must not take such a gloomy view of himself, that when he got away for
the summer I hoped he would recover and be back all right when
Congress opened. A gleam came into the old fighter's eyes and he
answered: "No, I am dying, and you know it. I don't mind dying; but I
do wish it were possible for me to get off into the great north woods
and crawl out on a rock in the sun and die like a wolf!"
Contributed by Gifford, Katya
21 September 2004