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| Annual Messages - Grover Cleveland
Annual Message, 1885
by Grover Cleveland
WASHINGTON, December 8, 1885.
To the Congress of the United States:
Your assembling is clouded by a sense of public bereavement, caused by
the recent and sudden death of Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice-President of
the United States. His distinguished public services, his complete
integrity and devotion to every duty, and his personal virtues will find
honorable record in his country's history.
Ample and repeated proofs of the esteem and confidence in which he was
held by his fellow-countrymen were manifested by his election to offices
of the most important trust and highest dignity; and at length, full of
years and honors, he has been laid at rest amid universal sorrow and
benediction.
The Constitution, which requires those chosen to legislate for the
people to annually meet in the discharge of their solemn trust, also
requires the President to give to Congress information of the state of
the Union and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall
deem necessary and expedient. At the threshold of a compliance with
these constitutional directions it is well for us to bear in mind that
our usefulness to the people's interests will be promoted by a constant
appreciation of the scope and character of our respective duties as they
relate to Federal legislation. While the Executive may recommend such
measures as he shall deem expedient, the responsibility for legislative
action must and should rest upon those selected by the people to make
their laws.
Contemplation of the grave and responsible functions assigned to the
respective branches of the Government under the Constitution will
disclose the partitions of power between our respective departments and
their necessary independence, and also the need for the exercise of all
the power intrusted to each in that spirit of comity and cooperation
which is essential to the proper fulfillment of the patriotic
obligations which rest upon us as faithful servants of the people.
The jealous watchfulness of our constituencies, great and small,
supplements their suffrages, and before the tribunal they establish
every public servant should be judged.
It is gratifying to announce that the relations of the United States
with all foreign powers continue to be friendly. Our position after
nearly a century of successful constitutional government, maintenance of
good faith in all our engagements, the avoidance of complications with
other nations, and our consistent and amicable attitude toward the
strong and weak alike furnish proof of a political disposition which
renders professions of good will unnecessary. There are no questions of
difficulty pending with any foreign government.
The Argentine Government has revived the long dormant question of the
Falkland Islands by claiming from the United States indemnity for their
loss, attributed to the action of the commander of the sloop of war
Lexington in breaking up a piratical colony on those islands in
1831, and their subsequent occupation by Great Britain. In view of the
ample justification for the act of the Lexington and the derelict
condition of the islands before and after their alleged occupation by
Argentine colonists, this Government considers the claim as wholly
groundless.
Question has arisen with the Government of Austria-Hungary touching
the representation of the United States at Vienna. Having under my
constitutional prerogative appointed an estimable citizen of unimpeached
probity and competence as minister at that court, the Government of
Austria-Hungary invited this Government to take cognizance of certain
exceptions, based upon allegations against the personal acceptability
of Mr. Keiley, the appointed envoy, asking that in view thereof the
appointment should be withdrawn. The reasons advanced were such as
could not be acquiesced in without violation of my oath of office
and the precepts of the Constitution, since they necessarily involved a
limitation in favor of a foreign government upon the right of selection
by the Executive and required such an application of a religious test
as a qualification for office under the United States as would have
resulted in the practical disfranchisement of a large class of our
citizens and the abandonment of a vital principle in our Government. The
Austro-Hungarian Government finally decided not to receive Mr. Keiley as
the envoy of the United States, and that gentleman has since resigned
his commission, leaving the post vacant. I have made no new nomination,
and the interests of this Government at Vienna are now in the care of
the secretary of legation, acting as chargé d'affaires ad interim.
Early in March last war broke out in Central America, caused by the
attempt of Guatemala to consolidate the several States into a single
government. In these contests between our neighboring States the United
States forebore to interfere actively, but lent the aid of their
friendly offices in deprecation of war and to promote peace and concord
among the belligerents, and by such counsel contributed importantly to
the restoration of tranquillity in that locality.
Emergencies growing out of civil war in the United States of Colombia
demanded of the Government at the beginning of this Administration
the employment of armed forces to fulfill its guaranties under the
thirty-fifth article of the treaty of 1846, in order to keep the transit
open across the Isthmus of Panama. Desirous of exercising only the
powers expressly reserved to us by the treaty, and mindful of the rights
of Colombia, the forces sent to the Isthmus were instructed to confine
their action to "positively and efficaciously" preventing the transit
and its accessories from being "interrupted or embarrassed."
The execution of this delicate and responsible task necessarily involved
police control where the local authority was temporarily powerless, but
always in aid of the sovereignty of Colombia.
The prompt and successful fulfillment of its duty by this Government was
highly appreciated by the Government of Colombia, and has been followed
by expressions of its satisfaction.
High praise is due to the officers and men engaged in this service.
The restoration of peace on the Isthmus by the reestablishment of the
constituted Government there being thus accomplished, the forces of the
United States were withdrawn.
Pending these occurrences a question of much importance was presented by
decrees of the Colombian Government proclaiming the closure of certain
ports then in the hands of insurgents and declaring vessels held by
the revolutionists to be piratical and liable to capture by any power.
To neither of these propositions could the United States assent. An
effective closure of ports not in the possession of the Government, but
held by hostile partisans, could not be recognized; neither could the
vessels of insurgents against the legitimate sovereignty be deemed
hostes humani generis within the precepts of international law,
whatever might be the definition and penalty of their acts under the
municipal law of the State against whose authority they were in revolt.
The denial by this Government of the Colombian propositions did not,
however, imply the admission of a belligerent status on the part of the
insurgents.
The Colombian Government has expressed its willingness to negotiate
conventions for the adjustment by arbitration of claims by foreign
citizens arising out of the destruction of the city of Aspinwall by the
insurrectionary forces.
The interest of the United States in a practicable transit for ships
across the strip of land separating the Atlantic from the Pacific has
been repeatedly manifested during the last half century.
My immediate predecessor caused to be negotiated with Nicaragua a treaty
for the construction, by and at the sole cost of the United States,
of a canal through Nicaraguan territory, and laid it before the Senate.
Pending the action of that body thereon, I withdrew the treaty for
reexamination. Attentive consideration of its provisions leads me to
withhold it from resubmission to the Senate.
Maintaining, as I do, the tenets of a line of precedents from
Washington's day, which proscribe entangling alliances with foreign
states, I do not favor a policy of acquisition of new and distant
territory or the incorporation of remote interests with our own.
The laws of progress are vital and organic, and we must be conscious of
that irresistible tide of commercial expansion which, as the concomitant
of our active civilization, day by day is being urged onward by those
increasing facilities of production, transportation, and communication
to which steam and electricity have given birth; but our duty in the
present instructs us to address ourselves mainly to the development of
the vast resources of the great area committed to our charge and to
the cultivation of the arts of peace within our own borders, though
jealously alert in preventing the American hemisphere from being
involved in the political problems and complications of distant
governments. Therefore I am unable to recommend propositions involving
paramount privileges of ownership or right outside of our own territory,
when coupled with absolute and unlimited engagements to defend the
territorial integrity of the state where such interests lie. While the
general project of connecting the two oceans by means of a canal is to
be encouraged, I am of opinion that any scheme to that end to be
considered with favor should be free from the features alluded to.
The Tehuantepec route is declared by engineers of the highest repute and
by competent scientists to afford an entirely practicable transit for
vessels and cargoes, by means of a ship railway, from the Atlantic to
the Pacific. The obvious advantages of such a route, if feasible, over
others more remote from the axial lines of traffic between Europe and
the Pacific, and particularly between the Valley of the Mississippi and
the western coast of North and South America, are deserving of
consideration.
Whatever highway may be constructed across the barrier dividing the two
greatest maritime areas of the world must be for the world's benefit—a
trust for mankind, to be removed from the chance of domination by any
single power, nor become a point of invitation for hostilities or a
prize for warlike ambition. An engagement combining the construction,
ownership, and operation of such a work by this Government, with an
offensive and defensive alliance for its protection, with the foreign
state whose responsibilities and rights we would share is, in my
judgment, inconsistent with such dedication to universal and neutral
use, and would, moreover, entail measures for its realization beyond the
scope of our national polity or present means.
The lapse of years has abundantly confirmed the wisdom and foresight
of those earlier Administrations which, long before the conditions of
maritime intercourse were changed and enlarged by the progress of the
age, proclaimed the vital need of interoceanic transit across the
American Isthmus and consecrated it in advance to the common use of
mankind by their positive declarations and through the formal obligation
of treaties. Toward such realization the efforts of my Administration
will be applied, ever bearing in mind the principles on which it must
rest, and which were declared in no uncertain tones by Mr. Cass, who,
while Secretary of State, in 1858, announced that "what the United
States want in Central America, next to the happiness of its people,
is the security and neutrality of the interoceanic routes which lead
through it."
The construction of three transcontinental lines of railway, all in
successful operation, wholly within our territory, and uniting the
Atlantic and the Pacific oceans, has been accompanied by results of a
most interesting and impressive nature, and has created new conditions,
not in the routes of commerce only, but in political geography, which
powerfully affect our relations toward and necessarily increase our
interests in any transisthmian route which may be opened and employed
for the ends of peace and traffic, or, in other contingencies, for uses
inimical to both.
Transportation is a factor in the cost of commodities scarcely second to
that of their production, and weighs as heavily upon the consumer.
Our experience already has proven the great importance of having the
competition between land carriage and water carriage fully developed,
each acting as a protection to the public against the tendencies to
monopoly which are inherent in the consolidation of wealth and power in
the hands of vast corporations.
These suggestions may serve to emphasize what I have already said on the
score of the necessity of a neutralization of any interoceanic transit;
and this can only be accomplished by making the uses of the route open
to all nations and subject to the ambitions and warlike necessities of
none.
The drawings and report of a recent survey of the Nicaragua Canal route,
made by Chief Engineer Menocal, will be communicated for your
information.
The claims of citizens of the United States for losses by reason of the
late military operations of Chile in Peru and Bolivia are the subject of
negotiation for a claims convention with Chile, providing for their
submission to arbitration.
The harmony of our relations with China is fully sustained.
In the application of the acts lately passed to execute the treaty of
1880, restrictive of the immigration of Chinese laborers into the United
States, individual cases of hardship have occurred beyond the power of
the Executive to remedy, and calling for judicial determination.
The condition of the Chinese question in the Western States and
Territories is, despite this restrictive legislation, far from being
satisfactory. The recent outbreak in Wyoming Territory, where numbers of
unoffending Chinamen, indisputably within the protection of the treaties
and the law, were murdered by a mob, and the still more recent
threatened outbreak of the same character in Washington Territory, are
fresh in the minds of all, and there is apprehension lest the bitterness
of feeling against the Mongolian race on the Pacific Slope may find vent
in similar lawless demonstrations. All the power of this Government
should be exerted to maintain the amplest good faith toward China in the
treatment of these men, and the inflexible sternness of the law in
bringing the wrongdoers to justice should be insisted upon.
Every effort has been made by this Government to prevent these violent
outbreaks and to aid the representatives of China in their investigation
of these outrages; and it is but just to say that they are traceable to
the lawlessness of men not citizens of the United States engaged in
competition with Chinese laborers.
Race prejudice is the chief factor in originating these disturbances,
and it exists in a large part of our domain, jeopardizing our domestic
peace and the good relationship we strive to maintain with China.
The admitted right of a government to prevent the influx of elements
hostile to its internal peace and security may not be questioned, even
where there is no treaty stipulation on the subject. That the exclusion
of Chinese labor is demanded in other countries where like conditions
prevail is strongly evidenced in the Dominion of Canada, where Chinese
immigration is now regulated by laws more exclusive than our own. If
existing laws are inadequate to compass the end in view, I shall be
prepared to give earnest consideration to any further remedial measures,
within the treaty limits, which the wisdom of Congress may devise.
The independent State of the Kongo has been organized as a government
under the sovereignty of His Majesty the King of the Belgians, who
assumes its chief magistracy in his personal character only, without
making the new State a dependency of Belgium. It is fortunate that a
benighted region, owing all it has of quickening civilization to the
beneficence and philanthropic spirit of this monarch, should have the
advantage and security of his benevolent supervision.
The action taken by this Government last year in being the first to
recognize the flag of the International Association of the Kongo has
been followed by formal recognition of the new nationality which
succeeds to its sovereign powers.
A conference of delegates of the principal commercial nations was held
at Berlin last winter to discuss methods whereby the Kongo basin might
be kept open to the world's trade. Delegates attended on behalf of the
United States on the understanding that their part should be merely
deliberative, without imparting to the results any binding character
so far as the United States were concerned. This reserve was due to
the indisposition of this Government to share in any disposal by an
international congress of jurisdictional questions in remote foreign
territories. The results of the conference were embodied in a formal act
of the nature of an international convention, which laid down certain
obligations purporting to be binding on the signatories, subject to
ratification within one year. Notwithstanding the reservation under
which the delegates of the United States attended, their signatures
were attached to the general act in the same manner as those of the
plenipotentiaries of other governments, thus making the United States
appear, without reserve or qualification, as signatories to a joint
international engagement imposing on the signers the conservation of the
territorial integrity of distant regions where we have no established
interests or control.
This Government does not, however, regard its reservation of liberty
of action in the premises as at all impaired; and holding that an
engagement to share in the obligation of enforcing neutrality in the
remote valley of the Kongo would be an alliance whose responsibilities
we are not in a position to assume, I abstain from asking the sanction
of the Senate to that general act.
The correspondence will be laid before you, and the instructive and
interesting report of the agent sent by this Government to the Kongo
country and his recommendations for the establishment of commercial
agencies on the African coast are also submitted for your consideration.
The commission appointed by my predecessor last winter to visit the
Central and South American countries and report on the methods of
enlarging the commercial relations of the United States therewith has
submitted reports, which will be laid before you.
No opportunity has been omitted to testify the friendliness of this
Government toward Korea, whose entrance into the family of treaty powers
the United States were the first to recognize. I regard with favor the
application made by the Korean Government to be allowed to employ
American officers as military instructors, to which the assent of
Congress becomes necessary, and I am happy to say this request has the
concurrent sanction of China and Japan.
The arrest and imprisonment of Julio R. Santos, a citizen of the United
States, by the authorities of Ecuador gave rise to a contention with
that Government, in which his right to be released or to have a speedy
and impartial trial on announced charges and with all guaranties of
defense stipulated by treaty was insisted upon by us. After an elaborate
correspondence and repeated and earnest representations on our part Mr.
Santos was, after an alleged trial and conviction, eventually included
in a general decree of amnesty and pardoned by the Ecuadorian Executive
and released, leaving the question of his American citizenship denied by
the Ecuadorian Government, but insisted upon by our own.
The amount adjudged by the late French and American Claims Commission to
be due from the United States to French claimants on account of injuries
suffered by them during the War of Secession, having been appropriated
by the last Congress, has been duly paid to the French Government.
The act of February 25, 1885, provided for a preliminary search of the
records of French prize courts for evidence bearing on the claims of
American citizens against France for spoliations committed prior to
1801. The duty has been performed, and the report of the agent will be
laid before you.
I regret to say that the restrictions upon the importation of our pork
into France continue, notwithstanding the abundant demonstration of the
absence of sanitary danger in its use; but I entertain strong hopes that
with a better understanding of the matter this vexatious prohibition
will be removed. It would be pleasing to be able to say as much with
respect to Germany, Austria, and other countries, where such food
products are absolutely excluded, without present prospect of reasonable
change.
The interpretation of our existing treaties of naturalization by Germany
during the past year has attracted attention by reason of an apparent
tendency on the part of the Imperial Government to extend the scope of
the residential restrictions to which returning naturalized citizens of
German origin are asserted to be liable under the laws of the Empire.
The temperate and just attitude taken by this Government with regard to
this class of questions will doubtless lead to a satisfactory
understanding.
The dispute of Germany and Spain relative to the domination of the
Caroline Islands has attracted the attention of this Government by
reason of extensive interests of American citizens having grown up in
those parts during the past thirty years, and because the question of
ownership involves jurisdiction of matters affecting the status of our
citizens under civil and criminal law. While standing wholly aloof from
the proprietary issues raised between powers to both of which the United
States are friendly, this Government expects that nothing in the present
contention shall unfavorably affect our citizens carrying on a peaceful
commerce or there domiciled, and has so informed the Governments of
Spain and Germany.
The marked good will between the United States and Great Britain has
been maintained during the past year.
The termination of the fishing clauses of the treaty of Washington, in
pursuance of the joint resolution of March 3, 1883, must have resulted
in the abrupt cessation on the 1st of July of this year, in the midst
of their ventures, of the operations of citizens of the United States
engaged in fishing in British American waters but for a diplomatic
understanding reached with Her Majesty's Government in June last,
whereby assurance was obtained that no interruption of those operations
should take place during the current fishing season.
In the interest of good neighborhood and of the commercial intercourse
of adjacent communities, the question of the North American fisheries is
one of much importance. Following out the intimation given by me when
the extensory arrangement above described was negotiated, I recommend
that the Congress provide for the appointment of a commission in which
the Governments of the United States and Great Britain shall be
respectively represented, charged with the consideration and settlement,
upon a just, equitable, and honorable basis, of the entire question of
the fishing rights of the two Governments and their respective citizens
on the coasts of the United States and British North America. The
fishing interests being intimately related to other general questions
dependent upon contiguity and intercourse, consideration thereof in all
their equities might also properly come within the purview of such a
commission, and the fullest latitude of expression on both sides should
be permitted.
The correspondence in relation to the fishing rights will be submitted.
The arctic exploring steamer Alert, which was generously given by
Her Majesty's Government to aid in the relief of the Greely expedition,
was, after the successful attainment of that humane purpose, returned to
Great Britain, in pursuance of the authority conferred by the act of
March 3, 1885.
The inadequacy of the existing engagements for extradition between
the United States and Great Britain has been long apparent. The tenth
article of the treaty of 1842, one of the earliest compacts in this
regard entered into by us, stipulated for surrender in respect of a
limited number of offenses. Other crimes no less inimical to the social
welfare should be embraced and the procedure of extradition brought in
harmony with present international practice. Negotiations with Her
Majesty's Government for an enlarged treaty of extradition have been
pending since 1870, and I entertain strong hopes that a satisfactory
result may be soon attained.
The frontier line between Alaska and British Columbia, as defined by
the treaty of cession with Russia, follows the demarcation assigned
in a prior treaty between Great Britain and Russia. Modern exploration
discloses that this ancient boundary is impracticable as a geographical
fact. In the unsettled condition of that region the question has lacked
importance, but the discovery of mineral wealth in the territory the
line is supposed to traverse admonishes that the time has come when an
accurate knowledge of the boundary is needful to avert jurisdictional
complications. I recommend, therefore, that provision be made for a
preliminary reconnoissance by officers of the United States, to the end
of acquiring more precise information on the subject. I have invited
Her Majesty's Government to consider with us the adoption of a more
convenient line, to be established by meridian observations or by known
geographical features without the necessity of an expensive survey of
the whole.
The late insurrectionary movements in Hayti having been quelled, the
Government of that Republic has made prompt provision for adjudicating
the losses suffered by foreigners because of hostilities there, and the
claims of certain citizens of the United States will be in this manner
determined.
The long-pending claims of two citizens of the United States, Pelletier
and Lazare, have been disposed of by arbitration, and an award in favor
of each claimant has been made, which by the terms of the engagement is
final. It remains for Congress to provide for the payment of the
stipulated moiety of the expenses.
A question arose with Hayti during the past year by reason of the
exceptional treatment of an American citizen, Mr. Van Bokkelen, a
resident of Port-au-Prince, who, on suit by creditors residing in the
United States, was sentenced to imprisonment, and, under the operation
of a Haytian statute, was denied relief secured to a native Haytian.
This Government asserted his treaty right to equal treatment with
natives of Hayti in all suits at law. Our contention was denied by the
Haytian Government, which, however, while still professing to maintain
the ground taken against Mr. Van Bokkelen's right, terminated the
controversy by setting him at liberty without explanation.
An international conference to consider the means of arresting the
spread of cholera and other epidemic diseases was held at Rome in May
last, and adjourned to meet again on further notice. An expert delegate
on behalf of the United States has attended its sessions and will submit
a report.
Our relations with Mexico continue to be most cordial, as befits
those of neighbors between whom the strongest ties of friendship and
commercial intimacy exist, as the natural and growing consequence of our
similarity of institutions and geographical propinquity.
The relocation of the boundary line between the United States and Mexico
westward of the Rio Grande, under the convention of July 29, 1882, has
been unavoidably delayed, but I apprehend no difficulty in securing a
prolongation of the period for its accomplishment.
The lately concluded commercial treaty with Mexico still awaits the
stipulated legislation to carry its provisions into effect, for which
one year's additional time has been secured by a supplementary article
signed in February last and since ratified on both sides.
As this convention, so important to the commercial welfare of the
two adjoining countries, has been constitutionally confirmed by the
treaty-making branch, I express the hope that legislation needed to make
it effective may not be long delayed.
The large influx of capital and enterprise to Mexico from the United
States continues to aid in the development of the resources and in
augmenting the material well-being of our sister Republic. Lines of
railway, penetrating to the heart and capital of the country, bring
the two peoples into mutually beneficial intercourse, and enlarged
facilities of transit add to profitable commerce, create new markets,
and furnish avenues to otherwise isolated communities.
I have already adverted to the suggested construction of a ship railway
across the narrow formation of the territory of Mexico at Tehuantepec.
With the gradual recovery of Peru from the effects of her late
disastrous conflict with Chile, and with the restoration of civil
authority in that distracted country, it is hoped that pending war
claims of our citizens will be adjusted.
In conformity with notification given by the Government of Peru, the
existing treaties of commerce and extradition between the United States
and that country will terminate March 31, 1886.
Our good relationship with Russia continues.
An officer of the Navy, detailed for the purpose, is now on his way to
Siberia bearing the testimonials voted by Congress to those who
generously succored the survivors of the unfortunate Jeannette
expedition.
It is gratifying to advert to the cordiality of our intercourse with
Spain.
The long-pending claim of the owners of the ship Masonic for loss
suffered through the admitted dereliction of the Spanish authorities in
the Philippine Islands has been adjusted by arbitration and an indemnity
awarded. The principle of arbitration in such cases, to which the United
States have long and consistently adhered, thus receives a fresh and
gratifying confirmation.
Other questions with Spain have been disposed of or are under diplomatic
consideration with a view to just and honorable settlement.
The operation of the commercial agreement with Spain of January
2-February 13, 1884, has been found inadequate to the commercial needs
of the United States and the Spanish Antilles, and the terms of the
agreement are subjected to conflicting interpretations in those islands.
Negotiations have been instituted at Madrid for a full treaty not open
to these objections and in the line of the general policy touching the
neighborly intercourse of proximate communities, to which I elsewhere
advert, and aiming, moreover, at the removal of existing burdens and
annoying restrictions; and although a satisfactory termination is
promised, I am compelled to delay its announcement.
An international copyright conference was held at Berne in September, on
the invitation of the Swiss Government. The envoy of the United States
attended as a delegate, but refrained from committing this Government to
the results, even by signing the recommendatory protocol adopted. The
interesting and important subject of international copyright has been
before you for several years. Action is certainly desirable to effect
the object in view; and while there may be question as to the relative
advantage of treating it by legislation or by specific treaty, the
matured views of the Berne conference can not fail to aid your
consideration of the subject.
The termination of the commercial treaty of 1862 between the United
States and Turkey has been sought by that Government. While there is
question as to the sufficiency of the notice of termination given, yet
as the commercial rights of our citizens in Turkey come under the
favored-nation guaranties of the prior treaty of 1830, and as equal
treatment is admitted by the Porte, no inconvenience can result from the
assent of this Government to the revision of the Ottoman tariffs, in
which the treaty powers have been invited to join.
Questions concerning our citizens in Turkey may be affected by the
Porte's nonacquiescence in the right of expatriation and by the
imposition of religious tests as a condition of residence, in which
this Government can not concur. The United States must hold in their
intercourse with every power that the status of their citizens is to be
respected and equal civil privileges accorded to them without regard
to creed, and affected by no considerations save those growing out of
domiciliary return to the land of original allegiance or of unfulfilled
personal obligations which may survive, under municipal laws, after such
voluntary return.
The negotiation with Venezuela relative to the rehearing of the awards
of the mixed commission constituted under the treaty of 1866 was resumed
in view of the recent acquiescence of the Venezuelan envoy in the
principal point advanced by this Government, that the effects of the old
treaty could only be set aside by the operation of a new convention. A
result in substantial accord with the advisory suggestions contained in
the joint resolution of March 3, 1883, has been agreed upon and will
shortly be submitted to the Senate for ratification.
Under section 3659 of the Revised Statutes all funds held in trust by
the United States and the annual interest accruing thereon, when not
otherwise required by treaty, are to be invested in stocks of the United
States bearing a rate of interest not less than 5 per cent per annum.
There being now no procurable stocks paying so high a rate of interest,
the letter of the statute is at present inapplicable, but its spirit is
subserved by continuing to make investments of this nature in current
stocks bearing the highest interest now paid. The statute, however,
makes no provision for the disposal of such accretions. It being
contrary to the general rule of this Government to allow interest on
claims, I recommend the repeal of the provision in question and the
disposition, under a uniform rule, of the present accumulations from
investment of trust funds.
The inadequacy of existing legislation touching citizenship and
naturalization demands your consideration.
While recognizing the right of expatriation, no statutory provision
exists providing means for renouncing citizenship by an American
citizen, native born or naturalized, nor for terminating and vacating
an improper acquisition of citizenship. Even a fraudulent decree of
naturalization can not now be canceled. The privilege and franchise of
American citizenship should be granted with care, and extended to those
only who intend in good faith to assume its duties and responsibilities
when attaining its privileges and benefits. It should be withheld from
those who merely go through the forms of naturalization with the intent
of escaping the duties of their original allegiance without taking upon
themselves those of their new status, or who may acquire the rights of
American citizenship for no other than a hostile purpose toward their
original governments. These evils have had many flagrant illustrations.
I regard with favor the suggestion put forth by one of my predecessors
that provision be made for a central bureau of record of the decrees of
naturalization granted by the various courts throughout the United
States now invested with that power.
The rights which spring from domicile in the United States, especially
when coupled with a declaration of intention to become a citizen, are
worthy of definition by statute. The stranger coming hither with intent
to remain, establishing his residence in our midst, contributing to the
general welfare, and by his voluntary act declaring his purpose to
assume the responsibilities of citizenship, thereby gains an inchoate
status which legislation may properly define. The laws of certain
States and Territories admit a domiciled alien to the local franchise,
conferring on him the rights of citizenship to a degree which places him
in the anomalous position of being a citizen of a State and yet not of
the United States within the purview of Federal and international law.
It is important within the scope of national legislation to define this
right of alien domicile as distinguished from Federal naturalization.
The commercial relations of the United States with their immediate
neighbors and with important areas of traffic near our shores suggest
especially liberal intercourse between them and us.
Following the treaty of 1883 with Mexico, which rested on the basis of a
reciprocal exemption from customs duties, other similar treaties were
initiated by my predecessor.
Recognizing the need of less obstructed traffic with Cuba and Puerto
Rico, and met by the desire of Spain to succor languishing interests
in the Antilles, steps were taken to attain those ends by a treaty of
commerce. A similar treaty was afterwards signed by the Dominican
Republic. Subsequently overtures were made by Her Britannic Majesty's
Government for a like mutual extension of commercial intercourse with
the British West Indian and South American dependencies, but without
result.
On taking office I withdrew for reexamination the treaties signed with
Spain and Santo Domingo, then pending before the Senate. The result has
been to satisfy me of the inexpediency of entering into engagements of
this character not covering the entire traffic.
These treaties contemplated the surrender by the United States of large
revenues for inadequate considerations. Upon sugar alone duties were
surrendered to an amount far exceeding all the advantages offered in
exchange. Even were it intended to relieve our consumers, it was evident
that so long as the exemption but partially covered our importation such
relief would be illusory. To relinquish a revenue so essential seemed
highly improvident at a time when new and large drains upon the Treasury
were contemplated. Moreover, embarrassing questions would have arisen
under the favored-nation clauses of treaties with other nations.
As a further objection, it is evident that tariff regulation by treaty
diminishes that independent control over its own revenues which is
essential for the safety and welfare of any government. Emergency
calling for an increase of taxation may at any time arise, and no
engagement with a foreign power should exist to hamper the action of the
Government.
By the fourteenth section of the shipping act approved June 26, 1884,
certain reductions and contingent exemptions from tonnage dues were made
as to vessels entering ports of the United States from any foreign port
in North and Central America, the West India Islands, the Bahamas and
Bermudas, Mexico, and the Isthmus as far as Aspinwall and Panama. The
Governments of Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Portugal, and Sweden and
Norway have asserted, under the favored-nation clause in their treaties
with the United States, a claim to like treatment in respect of vessels
coming to the United States from their home ports. This Government,
however, holds that the privileges granted by the act are purely
geographical, inuring to any vessel of any foreign power that may choose
to engage in traffic between this country and any port within the
defined zone, and no warrant exists under the most-favored-nation clause
for the extension of the privileges in question to vessels sailing to
this country from ports outside the limitation of the act.
Undoubtedly the relations of commerce with our near neighbors, whose
territories form so long a frontier line difficult to be guarded, and
who find in our country, and equally offer to us, natural markets,
demand special and considerate treatment. It rests with Congress to
consider what legislative action may increase facilities of intercourse
which contiguity makes natural and desirable.
I earnestly urge that Congress recast the appropriations for the
maintenance of the diplomatic and consular service on a footing
commensurate with the importance of our national interests. At every
post where a representative is necessary the salary should be so graded
as to permit him to live with comfort. With the assignment of adequate
salaries the so-called notarial extraofficial fees, which our officers
abroad are now permitted to treat as personal perquisites, should be
done away with. Every act requiring the certification and seal of the
officer should be taxable at schedule rates and the fee therefor
returned to the Treasury. By restoring these revenues to the public use
the consular service would be self-supporting, even with a liberal
increase of the present low salaries.
In further prevention of abuses a system of consular inspection should
be instituted.
The appointment of a limited number of secretaries of legation at large,
to be assigned to duty wherever necessary, and in particular for
temporary service at missions which for any cause may be without a head,
should also be authorized.
I favor also authorization for the detail of officers of the regular
service as military or naval attachés at legations.
Some foreign governments do not recognize the union of consular with
diplomatic functions. Italy and Venezuela will only receive the
appointee in one of his two capacities, but this does not prevent the
requirement of a bond and submission to the responsibilities of an
office whose duties he can not discharge. The superadded title of
consul-general should be abandoned at all missions.
I deem it expedient that a well-devised measure for the reorganization
of the extraterritorial courts in Oriental countries should replace the
present system, which labors under the disadvantage of combining
judicial and executive functions in the same office.
In several Oriental countries generous offers have been made of
premises for housing the legations of the United States. A grant of
land for that purpose was made some years since by Japan, and has been
referred to in the annual messages of my predecessor. The Siamese
Government has made a gift to the United States of commodious quarters
in Bangkok. In Korea the late minister was permitted to purchase a
building from the Government for legation use. In China the premises
rented for the legation are favored as to local charges. At Tangier
the house occupied by our representative has been for many years the
property of this Government, having been given for that purpose in 1822
by the Sultan of Morocco. I approve the suggestion heretofore made,
that, in view of the conditions of life and administration in the
Eastern countries, the legation buildings in China, Japan, Korea, Siam,
and perhaps Persia, should be owned and furnished by the Government
with a view to permanency and security. To this end I recommend that
authority be given to accept the gifts adverted to in Japan and Siam,
and to purchase in the other countries named, with provision for
furniture and repairs. A considerable saving in rentals would result.
The World's Industrial Exposition, held at New Orleans last winter, with
the assistance of the Federal Government, attracted a large number of
foreign exhibits, and proved of great value in spreading among the
concourse of visitors from Mexico and Central and South America a wider
knowledge of the varied manufactures and productions of this country and
their availability in exchange for the productions of those regions.
Past Congresses have had under consideration the advisability of
abolishing the discrimination made by the tariff laws in favor of the
works of American artists. The odium of the policy which subjects to
a high rate of duty the paintings of foreign artists and exempts the
productions of American artists residing abroad, and who receive
gratuitously advantages and instruction, is visited upon our citizens
engaged in art culture in Europe, and has caused them with practical
unanimity to favor the abolition of such an ungracious distinction; and
in their interest, and for other obvious reasons, I strongly recommend
it.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury fully exhibits the condition
of the public finances and of the several branches of the Government
connected with his Department. The suggestions of the Secretary relating
to the practical operations of this important Department, and his
recommendations in the direction of simplification and economy,
particularly in the work of collecting customs duties, are especially
urged upon the attention of Congress.
The ordinary receipts from all sources for the fiscal year ended June
30, 1885, were $322,690,706.38. Of this sum $181,471,939.34 was received
from customs and $112,498,725.54 from internal revenue. The total
receipts, as given above, were $24,829,163.54 less than those for the
year ended June 30, 1884. This diminution embraces a falling off of
$13,595,550.42 in the receipts from customs and $9,687,346.97 in the
receipts from internal revenue.
The total ordinary expenditures of the Government for the fiscal year
were $260,226,935.50, leaving a surplus in the Treasury at the close of
the year of $63,463,771.27. This is $40,929,854.32 less than the surplus
reported at the close of the previous year.
The expenditures are classified as follows:
| For civil expenses | $23,826,942.11 |
| For foreign intercourse | 5,439,609.11 |
| For Indians | 6,552,494.63 |
| For pensions | 56,102,267.49 |
| For the military, including river and harbor
improvements and arsenals | 42,670,578.47 |
| For the Navy, including vessels, machinery, and
improvements of navy-yards | 16,021,079.69 |
| For interest on the public debt | 51,386,256.47 |
| For the District of Columbia | 3,499,650.95 |
| For miscellaneous expenditures, including public
buildings, light-houses, and collecting the revenue | 54,728,056.21 |
The amount paid on the public debt during the fiscal year ended June 30,
1885, was $45,993,235.43, and there has been paid since that date and up
to November 1, 1885, the sum of $369,828, leaving the amount of the debt
at the last-named date $1,514,475,860.47. There was, however, at that
time in the Treasury, applicable to the general purposes of the
Government, the sum of $66,818,292.38.
The total receipts for the current fiscal year ending June 30, 1886,
ascertained to October 1, 1885, and estimated for the remainder of the
year, are $315,000,000. The expenditures ascertained and estimated for
the same time are $245,000,000, leaving a surplus at the close of the
year estimated at $70,000,000.
The value of the exports from the United States to foreign countries
during the last fiscal year was as follows:
| Domestic merchandise | $726,682,946.00 |
| Foreign merchandise | 15,506,809.00 |
|
|
| 742,189,755.00 |
| |
| Gold | 8,477,892.00 |
| Silver | 33,753,633.00 |
|
|
| 784,421,280.00 |
Some of the principal exports, with their values and the percentage they
respectively bear to the total exportation, are given as follows:
| Articles. | Value. | Percentage. |
|---|
| Cotton and cotton manufactures | $213,799,049 | 29.42 |
| Breadstuffs | 160,370,821 | 22.07 |
| Provisions | 107,332,456 | 14.77 |
| Oils--mineral, vegetable, and animal | 54,326,202 | 7.48 |
| Tobacco and its manufactures | 24,767,305 | 3.41 |
| Wood and its manufactures | 21,464,322 | 2.95 |
Our imports during the year were as follows:
| Merchandise | $579,580,053.80 |
| Gold | 26,691,696.00 |
| Silver | 16,550,627.00 |
|
|
| 622,822,376.80 |
The following are given as prominent articles of import during the year,
with their values and the percentage they bear to the total importation:
| Articles. | Value. | Percentage. |
|---|
| Sugar and molasses | $76,738,713 | 13.29 |
| Coffee | 46,723,318 | 8.09 |
| Wool and its manufactures | 44,656,482 | 7.73 |
| Silk and its manufactures | 40,393,002 | 6.99 |
| Chemicals, dyes, drugs, and medicines | 35,070,816 | 6.07 |
| Iron and steel and their manufactures | 34,563,689 | 5.98 |
| Flax, hemp, jute, and their manufactures | 32,854,874 | 5.69 |
| Cotton and its manufactures | 28,152,001 | 4.88 |
| Hides and skins other than fur skins | 20,586,443 | 3.56 |
Of the entire amount of duties collected 70 per cent was collected from
the following articles of import:
| Percentage. |
|---|
| Sugar and molasses | 29 |
| Wool and its manufactures | 15 |
| Silk and its manufactures | 8 |
| Iron and steel and their manufactures | 7 |
| Cotton manufactures | 6 |
| Flax, hemp, and jute, and their manufactures | 5 |
The fact that our revenues are in excess of the actual needs of an
economical administration of the Government justifies a reduction in the
amount exacted from the people for its support. Our Government is but
the means established by the will of a free people by which certain
principles are applied which they have adopted for their benefit and
protection; and it is never better administered and its true spirit is
never better observed than when the people's taxation for its support is
scrupulously limited to the actual necessity of expenditure and
distributed according to a just and equitable plan.
The proposition with which we have to deal is the reduction of the
revenue received by the Government, and indirectly paid by the people,
from customs duties. The question of free trade is not involved, nor is
there now any occasion for the general discussion of the wisdom or
expediency of a protective system.
Justice and fairness dictate that in any modification of our present
laws relating to revenue the industries and interests which have
been encouraged by such laws, and in which our citizens have large
investments, should not be ruthlessly injured or destroyed. We should
also deal with the subject in such manner as to protect the interests of
American labor, which is the capital of our workingmen. Its stability
and proper remuneration furnish the most justifiable pretext for a
protective policy.
Within these limitations a certain reduction should be made in our
customs revenue. The amount of such reduction having been determined,
the inquiry follows, Where can it best be remitted and what articles can
best be released from duty in the interest of our citizens?
I think the reduction should be made in the revenue derived from a
tax upon the imported necessaries of life. We thus directly lessen the
cost of living in every family of the land and release to the people in
every humble home a larger measure of the rewards of frugal industry.
During the year ended November 1, 1885, 145 national banks were
organized, with an aggregate capital of $16,938,000, and circulating
notes have been issued to them amounting to $4,274,910. The whole number
of these banks in existence on the day above mentioned was 2,727.
The very limited amount of circulating notes issued by our national
banks, compared with the amount the law permits them to issue upon a
deposit of bonds for their redemption, indicates that the volume of our
circulating medium may be largely increased through this
instrumentality.
Nothing more important than the present condition of our currency and
coinage can claim your attention.
Since February, 1878, the Government has, under the compulsory
provisions of law, purchased silver bullion and coined the same at the
rate of more than $2,000,000 every month. By this process up to the
present date 215,759,431 silver dollars have been coined.
A reasonable appreciation of a delegation of power to the General
Government would limit its exercise, without express restrictive words,
to the people's needs and the requirements of the public welfare.
Upon this theory the authority to "coin money" given to Congress by the
Constitution, if it permits the purchase by the Government of bullion
for coinage in any event, does not justify such purchase and coinage to
an extent beyond the amount needed for a sufficient circulating medium.
The desire to utilize the silver product of the country should not lead
to a misuse or the perversion of this power.
The necessity for such an addition to the silver currency of the nation
as is compelled by the silver-coinage act is negatived by the fact that
up to the present time only about 50,000,000 of the silver dollars so
coined have actually found their way into circulation, leaving more than
165,000,000 in the possession of the Government, the custody of which
has entailed a considerable expense for the construction of vaults for
its deposit. Against this latter amount there are outstanding silver
certificates amounting to about $93,000,000.
Every month two millions of gold in the public Treasury are paid out for
two millions or more of silver dollars, to be added to the idle mass
already accumulated.
If continued long enough, this operation will result in the substitution
of silver for all the gold the Government owns applicable to its general
purposes. It will not do to rely upon the customs receipts of the
Government to make good this drain of gold, because the silver thus
coined having been made legal tender for all debts and dues, public and
private, at times during the last six months 58 per cent of the receipts
for duties has been in silver or silver certificates, while the average
within that period has been 20 per cent. The proportion of silver and
its certificates received by the Government will probably increase as
time goes on, for the reason that the nearer the period approaches when
it will be obliged to offer silver in payment of its obligations the
greater inducement there will be to hoard gold against depreciation in
the value of silver or for the purpose of speculating.
This hoarding of gold has already begun.
When the time comes that gold has been withdrawn from circulation, then
will be apparent the difference between the real value of the silver
dollar and a dollar in gold, and the two coins will part company.
Gold, still the standard of value and necessary in our dealings with
other countries, will be at a premium over silver; banks which have
substituted gold for the deposits of their customers may pay them with
silver bought with such gold, thus making a handsome profit; rich
speculators will sell their hoarded gold to their neighbors who need it
to liquidate their foreign debts, at a ruinous premium over silver, and
the laboring men and women of the land, most defenseless of all, will
find that the dollar received for the wage of their toil has sadly
shrunk in its purchasing power. It may be said that the latter result
will be but temporary, and that ultimately the price of labor will be
adjusted to the change; but even if this takes place the wage-worker
can not possibly gain, but must inevitably lose, since the price he is
compelled to pay for his living will not only be measured in a coin
heavily depreciated and fluctuating and uncertain in its value, but
this uncertainty in the value of the purchasing medium will be made
the pretext for an advance in prices beyond that justified by actual
depreciation.
The words uttered in 1834 by Daniel Webster in the Senate of the United
States are true to-day:
The very man of all others who has the deepest interest in a sound
currency, and who suffers most by mischievous legislation in money
matters, is the man who earns his daily bread by his daily toil.
The most distinguished advocate of bimetallism, discussing our silver
coinage, has lately written:
No American citizen's hand has yet felt the sensation of cheapness,
either in receiving or expending the silver-act dollars.
And those who live by labor or legitimate trade never will feel that
sensation of cheapness. However plenty silver dollars may become, they
will not be distributed as gifts among the people; and if the laboring
man should receive four depreciated dollars where he now receives but
two, he will pay in the depreciated coin more than double the price he
now pays for all the necessaries and comforts of life.
Those who do not fear any disastrous consequences arising from the
continued compulsory coinage of silver as now directed by law, and who
suppose that the addition to the currency of the country intended as its
result will be a public benefit, are reminded that history demonstrates
that the point is easily reached in the attempt to float at the same
time two sorts of money of different excellence when the better will
cease to be in general circulation. The hoarding of gold which has
already taken place indicates that we shall not escape the usual
experience in such cases. So if this silver coinage be continued we may
reasonably expect that gold and its equivalent will abandon the field of
circulation to silver alone. This of course must produce a severe
contraction of our circulating medium, instead of adding to it.
It will not be disputed that any attempt on the part of the Government
to cause the circulation of silver dollars worth 80 cents side by
side with gold dollars worth 100 cents, even within the limit that
legislation does not run counter to the laws of trade, to be successful
must be seconded by the confidence of the people that both coins will
retain the same purchasing power and be interchangeable at will.
A special effort has been made by the Secretary of the Treasury to
increase the amount of our silver coin in circulation; but the fact
that a large share of the limited amount thus put out has soon returned
to the public Treasury in payment of duties leads to the belief that the
people do not now desire to keep it in hand, and this, with the evident
disposition to hoard gold, gives rise to the suspicion that there
already exists a lack of confidence among the people touching our
financial processes. There is certainly not enough silver now in
circulation to cause uneasiness, and the whole amount coined and now on
hand might after a time be absorbed by the people without apprehension;
but it is the ceaseless stream that threatens to overflow the land which
causes fear and uncertainty.
What has been thus far submitted upon this subject relates almost
entirely to considerations of a home nature, unconnected with the
bearing which the policies of other nations have upon the question. But
it is perfectly apparent that a line of action in regard to our currency
can not wisely be settled upon or persisted in without considering the
attitude on the subject of other countries with whom we maintain
intercourse through commerce, trade, and travel. An acknowledgment of
this fact is found in the act by virtue of which our silver is
compulsorily coined. It provides that—
The President shall invite the governments of the countries composing
the Latin Union, so called, and of such other European nations as he may
deem advisable, to join the United States in a conference to adopt a
common ratio between gold and silver for the purpose of establishing
internationally the use of bimetallic money and securing fixity of
relative value between those metals.
This conference absolutely failed, and a similar fate has awaited all
subsequent efforts in the same direction. And still we continue our
coinage of silver at a ratio different from that of any other nation.
The most vital part of the silver-coinage act remains inoperative and
unexecuted, and without an ally or friend we battle upon the silver
field in an illogical and losing contest.
To give full effect to the design of Congress on this subject I have
made careful and earnest endeavor since the adjournment of the last
Congress.
To this end I delegated a gentleman well instructed in fiscal science
to proceed to the financial centers of Europe and, in conjunction
with our ministers to England, France, and Germany, to obtain a full
knowledge of the attitude and intent of those governments in respect of
the establishment of such an international ratio as would procure free
coinage of both metals at the mints of those countries and our own. By
my direction our consul-general at Paris has given close attention to
the proceedings of the congress of the Latin Union, in order to indicate
our interest in its objects and report its action.
It may be said in brief, as the result of these efforts, that the
attitude of the leading powers remains substantially unchanged since the
monetary conference of 1881, nor is it to be questioned that the views
of these governments are in each instance supported by the weight of
public opinion.
The steps thus taken have therefore only more fully demonstrated the
uselessness of further attempts at present to arrive at any agreement on
the subject with other nations.
In the meantime we are accumulating silver coin, based upon our own
peculiar ratio, to such an extent, and assuming so heavy a burden to be
provided for in any international negotiations, as will render us an
undesirable party to any future monetary conference of nations.
It is a significant fact that four of the five countries composing the
Latin Union mentioned in our coinage act, embarrassed with their silver
currency, have just completed an agreement among themselves that no more
silver shall be coined by their respective Governments and that such as
has been already coined and in circulation shall be redeemed in gold
by the country of its coinage. The resort to this expedient by these
countries may well arrest the attention of those who suppose that we
can succeed without shock or injury in the attempt to circulate upon
its merits all the silver we may coin under the provisions of our
silver-coinage act.
The condition in which our Treasury may be placed by a persistence in
our present course is a matter of concern to every patriotic citizen who
does not desire his Government to pay in silver such of its obligations
as should be paid in gold. Nor should our condition be such as to oblige
us, in a prudent management of our affairs, to discontinue the calling
in and payment of interest-bearing obligations which we have the right
now to discharge, and thus avoid the payment of further interest
thereon.
The so-called debtor class, for whose benefit the continued compulsory
coinage of silver is insisted upon, are not dishonest because they are
in debt, and they should not be suspected of a desire to jeopardize the
financial safety of the country in order that they may cancel their
present debts by paying the same in depreciated dollars. Nor should it
be forgotten that it is not the rich nor the money lender alone that
must submit to such a readjustment, enforced by the Government and their
debtors. The pittance of the widow and the orphan and the incomes of
helpless beneficiaries of all kinds would be disastrously reduced. The
depositors in savings banks and in other institutions which hold in
trust the savings of the poor, when their little accumulations are
scaled down to meet the new order of things, would in their distress
painfully realize the delusion of the promise made to them that
plentiful money would improve their condition.
We have now on hand all the silver dollars necessary to supply the
present needs of the people and to satisfy those who from sentiment wish
to see them in circulation, and if their coinage is suspended they can
be readily obtained by all who desire them. If the need of more is at
any time apparent, their coinage may be renewed.
That disaster has not already overtaken us furnishes no proof that
danger does not wait upon a continuation of the present silver coinage.
We have been saved by the most careful management and unusual
expedients, by a combination of fortunate conditions, and by a confident
expectation that the course of the Government in regard to silver
coinage would be speedily changed by the action of Congress.
Prosperity hesitates upon our threshold because of the dangers and
uncertainties surrounding this question. Capital timidly shrinks
from trade, and investors are unwilling to take the chance of the
questionable shape in which their money will be returned to them, while
enterprise halts at a risk against which care and sagacious management
do not protect.
As a necessary consequence, labor lacks employment and suffering and
distress are visited upon a portion of our fellow-citizens especially
entitled to the careful consideration of those charged with the duties
of legislation. No interest appeals to us so strongly for a safe and
stable currency as the vast army of the unemployed.
I recommend the suspension of the compulsory coinage of silver dollars,
directed by the law passed in February, 1878.
The Steamboat-Inspection Service on the 30th day of June, 1885, was
composed of 140 persons, including officers, clerks, and messengers. The
expenses of the service over the receipts were $138,822.22 during the
fiscal year. The special inspection of foreign steam vessels, organized
under a law passed in 1882, was maintained during the year at an expense
of $36,641.63. Since the close of the fiscal year reductions have been
made in the force employed which will result in a saving during the
current year of $17,000 without affecting the efficiency of the service.
The Supervising Surgeon-General reports that during the fiscal year
41,714 patients have received relief through the Marine-Hospital
Service, of whom 12,803 were treated in hospitals and 28,911 at the
dispensaries.
Active and effective efforts have been made through the medium of this
service to protect the country against an invasion of cholera, which has
prevailed in Spain and France, and the smallpox, which recently broke
out in Canada.
The most gratifying results have attended the operations of the
Life-Saving Service during the last fiscal year. The observance of the
provision of law requiring the appointment of the force employed in this
service to be made "solely with reference to their fitness, and without
reference to their political or party affiliation," has secured the
result which may confidently be expected in any branch of public
employment where such a rule is applied. As a consequence, this service
is composed of men well qualified for the performance of their dangerous
and exceptionally important duties.
The number of stations in commission at the close of the year was 203.
The number of disasters to vessels and craft of all kinds within their
field of action was 371. The number of persons endangered in such
disasters was 2,439, of whom 2,428 were saved and only 11 lost. Other
lives which were imperiled, though not by disasters to shipping, were
also rescued, and a large amount of property was saved through the aid
of this service. The cost of its maintenance during the year was
$828,474.43.
The work of the Coast and Geodetic Survey was during the last fiscal
year carried on within the boundaries and off the coasts of thirty-two
States, two Territories, and the District of Columbia. In July last
certain irregularities were found to exist in the management of this
Bureau, which led to a prompt investigation of its methods. The abuses
which were brought to light by this examination and the reckless
disregard of duty and the interests of the Government developed on
the part of some of those connected with the service made a change of
superintendency and a few of its other officers necessary. Since the
Bureau has been in new hands an introduction of economies and the
application of business methods have produced an important saving to
the Government and a promise of more useful results.
This service has never been regulated by anything but the most
indefinite legal enactments and the most unsatisfactory rules. It was
many years ago sanctioned apparently for a purpose regarded as temporary
and related to a survey of our coast. Having gained a place in the
appropriations made by Congress, it has gradually taken to itself powers
and objects not contemplated in its creation and extended its operations
until it sadly needs legislative attention.
So far as a further survey of our coast is concerned, there seems
to be a propriety in transferring that work to the Navy Department. The
other duties now in charge of this establishment, if they can not be
profitably attached to some existing Department or other bureau, should
be prosecuted under a law exactly defining their scope and purpose, and
with a careful discrimination between the scientific inquiries which may
properly be assumed by the Government and those which should be
undertaken by State authority or by individual enterprise.
It is hoped that the report of the Congressional committee heretofore
appointed to investigate this and other like matters will aid in the
accomplishment of proper legislation on this subject.
The report of the Secretary of War is herewith submitted. The attention
of Congress is invited to the detailed account which it contains of the
administration of his Department, and his recommendations and
suggestions for the improvement of the service.
The Army consisted, at the date of the last consolidated returns, of
2,154 officers and 24,705 enlisted men.
The expenses of the Departments for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1885,
including $13,164,394.60 for public works and river and harbor
improvements, were $45,850,999.54.
Besides the troops which were dispatched in pursuit of the small band of
Indians who left their reservation in Arizona and committed murders and
outrages, two regiments of cavalry and one of infantry were sent last
July to the Indian Territory to prevent an outbreak which seemed
imminent. They remained to aid, if necessary, in the expulsion of
intruders upon the reservation, who seemed to have caused the discontent
among the Indians, but the Executive proclamation warning them to
remove was complied with without their interference.
Troops were also sent to Rock Springs, in Wyoming Territory, after the
massacre of Chinese there, to prevent further disturbance, and
afterwards to Seattle, in Washington Territory, to avert a threatened
attack upon Chinese laborers and domestic violence there. In both cases
the mere presence of the troops had the desired effect.
It appears that the number of desertions has diminished, but that during
the last fiscal year they numbered 2,927; and one instance is given by
the Lieutenant-General of six desertions by the same recruit. I am
convinced that this number of desertions can be much diminished by
better discipline and treatment; but the punishment should be increased
for repeated offenses.
These desertions might also be reduced by lessening the term of first
enlistments, thus allowing a discontented recruit to contemplate a
nearer discharge and the Army a profitable riddance. After one term of
service a reenlistment would be quite apt to secure a contented recruit
and a good soldier.
The Acting Judge-Advocate-General reports that the number of trials by
general courts-martial during the year was 2,328, and that 11,851 trials
took place before garrison and regimental courts-martial. The suggestion
that probably more than half the Army have been tried for offenses,
great and small, in one year may well arrest attention. Of course many
of these trials before garrison and regimental courts-martial were for
offenses almost frivolous, and there should, I think, be a way devised
to dispose of these in a more summary and less inconvenient manner than
by court-martial.
If some of the proceedings of courts-martial which I have had occasion
to examine present the ideas of justice which generally prevail in these
tribunals, I am satisfied that they should be much reformed if the honor
and the honesty of the Army and Navy are by their instrumentality to be
vindicated and protected.
The Board on Fortifications or other defenses, appointed in pursuance of
the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1885, will in a
short time present their report, and it is hoped that this may greatly
aid the legislation so necessary to remedy the present defenseless
condition of our seacoasts.
The work of the Signal Service has been prosecuted during the last
year with results of increasing benefit to the country. The field of
instruction has been enlarged with a view of adding to its usefulness.
The number of stations in operation June 30, 1885, was 489. Telegraphic
reports are received daily from 160 stations. Reports are also received
from 25 Canadian stations, 375 volunteer observers, 52 army surgeons at
military posts, and 333 foreign stations. The expense of the service
during the fiscal year, after deducting receipts from military telegraph
lines, was $792,592.97. In view of the fact referred to by the Secretary
of War, that the work of this service ordinarily is of a scientific
nature, and the further fact that it is assuming larger proportions
constantly and becoming more and more unsuited to the fixed rules which
must govern the Army, I am inclined to agree with him in the opinion
that it should be separately established. If this is done, the scope and
extent of its operations should, as nearly as possible, be definitely
prescribed by law and always capable of exact ascertainment.
The Military Academy at West Point is reported as being in a high state
of efficiency and well equipped for the satisfactory accomplishment of
the purposes of its maintenance.
The fact that the class which graduates next year is an unusually
large one has constrained me to decline to make appointments to second
lieutenancies in the Army from civil life, so that such vacancies as
exist in these places may be reserved for such graduates; and yet it is
not probable that there will be enough vacancies to provide positions
for them all when they leave the military school. Under the prevailing
law and usage those not thus assigned to duty never actively enter the
military service. It is suggested that the law on this subject be
changed so that such of these young men as are not at once assigned to
duty after graduation may be retained as second lieutenants in the Army
if they desire it, subject to assignment when opportunity occurs, and
under proper rules as to priority of selection.
The expenditures on account of the Military Academy for the last fiscal
year, exclusive of the sum taken for its purposes from appropriations
for the support of the Army, were $290,712.07.
The act approved March 3, 1885, designed to compensate officers and
enlisted men for loss of private property while in the service of the
United States, is so indefinite in its terms and apparently admits so
many claims the adjustment of which could not have been contemplated
that if it is to remain upon the statute book it needs amendment.
There should be a general law of Congress prohibiting the construction
of bridges over navigable waters in such manner as to obstruct
navigation, with provisions for preventing the same. It seems that under
existing statutes the Government can not intervene to prevent such a
construction when entered upon without its consent, though when such
consent is asked and granted upon condition the authority to insist upon
such condition is clear. Thus it is represented that while the officers
of the Government are with great care guarding against the obstruction
of navigation by a bridge across the Mississippi River at St. Paul a
large pier for a bridge has been built just below this place directly in
the navigable channel of the river. If such things are to be permitted,
a strong argument is presented against the appropriation of large sums
of money to improve the navigation of this and other important highways
of commerce.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy gives a history of the
operations of his Department and the present condition of the work
committed to his charge.
He details in full the course pursued by him to protect the rights of
the Government in respect of certain vessels unfinished at the time
of his accession to office, and also concerning the dispatch boat
Dolphin, claimed to be completed and awaiting the acceptance of
the Department. No one can fail to see from recitals contained in this
report that only the application of business principles has been
insisted upon in the treatment of these subjects, and that whatever
controversy has arisen was caused by the exaction on the part of the
Department of contract obligations as they were legally construed. In
the case of the Dolphin, with entire justice to the contractor,
an agreement has been entered into providing for the ascertainment by a
judicial inquiry of the complete or partial compliance with the contract
in her construction, and further providing for the assessment of any
damages to which the Government may be entitled on account of a partial
failure to perform such contract, or the payment of the sum still
remaining unpaid upon her price in case a full performance is adjudged.
The contractor, by reason of his failure in business, being unable to
complete the other three vessels, they were taken possession of by the
Government in their unfinished state under a clause in the contract
permitting such a course, and are now in process of completion in the
yard of the contractor, but under the supervision of the Navy
Department.
Congress at its last session authorized the construction of two
additional new cruisers and two gunboats, at a cost not exceeding in the
aggregate $2,995,000. The appropriation for this purpose having become
available on the 1st day of July last, steps were at once taken for the
procurement of such plans for the construction of these vessels as would
be likely to insure their usefulness when completed. These are of the
utmost importance, considering the constant advance in the art of
building vessels of this character, and the time is not lost which is
spent in their careful consideration and selection.
All must admit the importance of an effective navy to a nation like
ours, having such an extended seacoast to protect; and yet we have not
a single vessel of war that could keep the seas against a first-class
vessel of any important power. Such a condition ought not longer to
continue. The nation that can not resist aggression is constantly
exposed to it. Its foreign policy is of necessity weak and its
negotiations are conducted with disadvantage because it is not in
condition to enforce the terms dictated by its sense of right and
justice.
Inspired, as I am, by the hope, shared by all patriotic citizens, that
the day is not very far distant when our Navy will be such as befits our
standing among the nations of the earth, and rejoiced at every step that
leads in the direction of such a consummation, I deem it my duty to
especially direct the attention of Congress to the close of the report
of the Secretary of the Navy, in which the humiliating weakness of the
present organization of his Department is exhibited and the startling
abuses and waste of its present methods are exposed. The conviction is
forced upon us with the certainty of mathematical demonstration that
before we proceed further in the, restoration of a Navy we need a
thoroughly reorganized Navy Department. The fact that within seventeen
years more than $75,000,000 have been spent in the construction, repair,
equipment, and armament of vessels, and the further fact that instead
of an effective and creditable fleet we have only the discontent and
apprehension of a nation undefended by war vessels, added to the
disclosures now made, do not permit us to doubt that every attempt to
revive our Navy has thus far for the most part been misdirected, and
all our efforts in that direction have been little better than blind
gropings and expensive, aimless follies.
Unquestionably if we are content with the maintenance of a Navy
Department simply as a shabby ornament to the Government, a constant
watchfulness may prevent some of the scandal and abuse which have found
their way into our present organization, and its incurable waste may
be reduced to the minimum. But if we desire to build ships for present
usefulness instead of naval reminders of the days that are past, we must
have a Department organized for the work, supplied with all the talent
and ingenuity our country affords, prepared to take advantage of the
experience of other nations, systematized so that all effort shall
unite and lead in one direction, and fully imbued with the conviction
that war vessels, though new, are useless unless they combine all that
the ingenuity of man has up to this day brought forth relating to their
construction.
I earnestly commend the portion of the Secretary's report devoted
to this subject to the attention of Congress, in the hope that his
suggestions touching the reorganization of his Department may be adopted
as the first step toward the reconstruction of our Navy.
The affairs of the postal service are exhibited by the report of the
Postmaster-General, which will be laid before you.
The postal revenue, whose ratio of gain upon the rising prosperity
of 1882 and 1883 outstripped the increasing expenses of our growing
service, was checked by the reduction in the rate of letter postage
which took effect with the beginning of October in the latter year, and
it diminished during the two past fiscal years $2,790,000, in about the
proportion of $2,270,000 in 1884 to $520,000 in 1885. Natural growth
and development have meantime increased expenditure, resulting in a
deficiency in the revenue to meet the expenses of the Department of five
and a quarter million dollars for the year 1884 and eight and a third
million in the last fiscal year. The anticipated and natural revival of
the revenue has been oppressed and retarded by the unfavorable business
condition of the country, of which the postal service is a faithful
indicator. The gratifying fact is shown, however, by the report that our
returning prosperity is marked by a gain of $380,000 in the revenue of
the latter half of the last year over the corresponding period of the
preceding year.
The change in the weight of first-class matter which may be carried
for a single rate of postage from a half ounce to an ounce, and the
reduction by one-half of the rate of newspaper postage, which, under
recent legislation, began with the current year, will operate to
restrain the augmentation of receipts which otherwise might have been
expected to such a degree that the scale of expense may gain upon the
revenue and cause an increased deficiency to be shown at its close.
Yet, after no long period of reawakened prosperity, by proper economy
it is confidently anticipated that even the present low rates, now as
favorable as any country affords, will be adequate to sustain the cost
of the service.
The operation of the Post-Office Department is for the convenience
and benefit of the people, and the method by which they pay the charges
of this useful arm of their public service, so that it be just and
impartial, is of less importance to them than the economical expenditure
of the means they provide for its maintenance and the due improvement of
its agencies, so that they may enjoy its highest usefulness.
A proper attention has been directed to the prevention of waste or
extravagance, and good results appear from the report to have already
been accomplished.
I approve the recommendation of the Postmaster-General to reduce the
charges on domestic money orders of $5 and less from 8 to 5 cents. This
change will materially aid those of our people who most of all avail
themselves of this instrumentality, but to whom the element of cheapness
is of the greatest importance. With this reduction the system would
still remain self-supporting.
The free-delivery system has been extended to 19 additional cities
during the year, and 178 now enjoy its conveniences. Experience has
commended it to those who enjoy its benefits, and further enlargement
of its facilities is due to other communities to which it is adapted.
In the cities where it has been established, taken together, the local
postage exceeds its maintenance by nearly $1,300,000. The limit to which
this system is now confined by law has been nearly reached, and the
reasons given justify its extension, which is proposed.
It was decided, with my approbation, after a sufficient examination, to
be inexpedient for the Post-Office Department to contract for carrying
our foreign mails under the additional authority given by the last
Congress. The amount limited was inadequate to pay all within the
purview of the law the full rate of 50 cents per mile, and it would have
been unjust and unwise to have given it to some and denied it to others.
Nor could contracts have been let under the law to all at a rate to have
brought the aggregate within the appropriation without such practical
prearrangement of terms as would have violated it.
The rate of sea and inland postage which was proffered under another
statute clearly appears to be a fair compensation for the desired
service, being three times the price necessary to secure transportation
by other vessels upon any route, and much beyond the charges made to
private persons for services not less burdensome.
Some of the steamship companies, upon the refusal of the
Postmaster-General to attempt, by the means provided, the distribution
of the sum appropriated as an extra compensation, withdrew the services
of their vessels and thereby occasioned slight inconvenience, though no
considerable injury, the mails having been dispatched by other means.
Whatever may be thought of the policy of subsidizing any line of public
conveyance or travel, I am satisfied that it should not be done under
cover of an expenditure incident to the administration of a Department,
nor should there be any uncertainty as to the recipients of the subsidy
or any discretion left to an executive officer as to its distribution.
If such gifts of the public money are to be made for the purpose of
aiding any enterprise in the supposed interest of the public, I can not
but think that the amount to be paid and the beneficiary might better be
determined by Congress than in any other way.
The international congress of delegates from the Postal Union countries
convened at Lisbon, in Portugal, in February last, and after a session
of some weeks the delegates signed a convention amendatory of the
present postal-union convention in some particulars designed to advance
its purposes. This additional act has had my approval and will be laid
before you with the departmental report.
I approve the recommendation of the Postmaster-General that another
assistant be provided for his Department. I invite your consideration to
the several other recommendations contained in his report.
The report of the Attorney-General contains a history of the conduct of
the Department of Justice during the last year and a number of valuable
suggestions as to needed legislation, and I invite your careful
attention to the same.
The condition of business in the courts of the United States is such
that there seems to be an imperative necessity for remedial legislation
on the subject. Some of these courts are so overburdened with pending
causes that the delays in determining litigation amount often to a
denial of justice. Among the plans suggested for relief is one submitted
by the Attorney-General. Its main features are: The transfer of all the
original jurisdiction of the circuit courts to the district courts and
an increase of judges for the latter where necessary; an addition of
judges to the circuit courts, and constituting them exclusively courts
of appeal, and reasonably limiting appeals thereto; further restrictions
of the right to remove causes from the State to Federal courts;
permitting appeals to the Supreme Court from the courts of the District
of Columbia and the Territories only in the same cases as they are
allowed from State courts, and guarding against an unnecessary number of
appeals from the circuit courts.
I approve the plan thus outlined, and recommend the legislation
necessary for its application to our judicial system.
The present mode of compensating United States marshals and district
attorneys should, in my opinion, be changed. They are allowed to charge
against the Government certain fees for services, their income being
measured by the amount of such fees within a fixed limit as to their
annual aggregate. This is a direct inducement for them to make their
fees in criminal cases as large as possible in an effort to reach the
maximum sum permitted. As an entirely natural consequence, unscrupulous
marshals are found encouraging frivolous prosecutions, arresting people
on petty charges of crime and transporting them to distant places for
examination and trial, for the purpose of earning mileage and other
fees; and district attorneys uselessly attend criminal examinations far
from their places of residence for the express purpose of swelling their
accounts against the Government. The actual expenses incurred in these
transactions are also charged against the Government.
Thus the rights and freedom of our citizens are outraged and public
expenditures increased for the purpose of furnishing public officers
pretexts for increasing the measure of their compensation.
I think marshals and district attorneys should be paid salaries,
adjusted by a rule which will make them commensurate with services
fairly rendered.
In connection with this subject I desire to suggest the advisability,
if it be found not obnoxious to constitutional objection, of investing
United States commissioners with the power to try and determine certain
violations of law within the grade of misdemeanors. Such trials might
be made to depend upon the option of the accused. The multiplication
of small and technical offenses, especially under the provisions of our
internal-revenue law, render some change in our present system very
desirable in the interests of humanity as well as economy. The district
courts are now crowded with petty prosecutions, involving a punishment
in case of conviction, of only a slight fine, while the parties accused
are harassed by an enforced attendance upon courts held hundreds of
miles from their homes. If poor and friendless, they are obliged to
remain in jail during months, perhaps, that elapse before a session
of the court is held, and are finally brought to trial surrounded by
strangers and with but little real opportunity for defense. In the
meantime frequently the marshal has charged against the Government his
fees for an arrest, the transportation of the accused and the expense
of the same, and for summoning witnesses before a commissioner, a grand
jury, and a court; the witnesses have been paid from the public funds
large fees and traveling expenses, and the commissioner and district
attorney have also made their charges against the Government.
This abuse in the administration of our criminal law should be remedied;
and if the plan above suggested is not practicable, some other should be
devised.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior, containing an account of
the operations of this important Department and much interesting
information, will be submitted for your consideration.
The most intricate and difficult subject in charge of this Department is
the treatment and management of the Indians. I am satisfied that some
progress may be noted in their condition as a result of a prudent
administration of the present laws and regulations for their control.
But it is submitted that there is lack of a fixed purpose or policy on
this subject, which should be supplied. It is useless to dilate upon the
wrongs of the Indians, and as useless to indulge in the heartless belief
that because their wrongs are revenged in their own atrocious manner,
therefore they should be exterminated.
They are within the care of our Government, and their rights are, or
should be, protected from invasion by the most solemn obligations. They
are properly enough called the wards of the Government; and it should be
borne in mind that this guardianship involves on our part efforts for
the improvement of their condition and the enforcement of their rights.
There seems to be general concurrence in the proposition that the
ultimate object of their treatment should be their civilization and
citizenship. Fitted by these to keep pace in the march of progress with
the advanced civilization about them, they will readily assimilate with
the mass of our population, assuming the responsibilities and receiving
the protection incident to this condition.
The difficulty appears to be in the selection of the means to be at
present employed toward the attainment of this result.
Our Indian population, exclusive of those in Alaska, is reported as
numbering 260,000, nearly all being located on lands set apart for their
use and occupation, aggregating over 134,000,000 acres. These lands are
included in the boundaries of 171 reservations of different dimensions,
scattered in 21 States and Territories, presenting great variations in
climate and in the kind and quality of their soils. Among the Indians
upon these several reservations there exist the most marked differences
in natural traits and disposition and in their progress toward
civilization. While some are lazy, vicious, and stupid, others are
industrious, peaceful, and intelligent; while a portion of them are
self-supporting and independent, and have so far advanced in
civilization that they make their own laws, administered through
officers of their own choice, and educate their children in schools of
their own establishment and maintenance, others still retain, in squalor
and dependence, almost the savagery of their natural state.
In dealing with this question the desires manifested by the Indians
should not be ignored. Here again we find a great diversity. With some
the tribal relation is cherished with the utmost tenacity, while its
hold upon others is considerably relaxed; the love of home is strong
with all, and yet there are those whose attachment to a particular
locality is by no means unyielding; the ownership of their lands in
severalty is much desired by some, while by others, and sometimes among
the most civilized, such a distribution would be bitterly opposed.
The variation of their wants, growing out of and connected with the
character of their several locations, should be regarded. Some are upon
reservations most fit for grazing, but without flocks or herds; and
some, on arable land, have no agricultural implements. While some of the
reservations are double the size necessary to maintain the number of
Indians now upon them, in a few cases, perhaps, they should be enlarged.
Add to all this the difference in the administration of the agencies.
While the same duties are devolved upon all, the disposition of the
agents and the manner of their contact with the Indians have much to do
with their condition and welfare. The agent who perfunctorily performs
his duty and slothfully neglects all opportunity to advance their moral
and physical improvement and fails to inspire them with a desire for
better things will accomplish nothing in the direction of their
civilization, while he who feels the burden of an important trust and
has an interest in his work will, by consistent example, firm yet
considerate treatment, and well-directed aid and encouragement,
constantly lead those under his charge toward the light of their
enfranchisement.
The history of all the progress which has been made in the civilization
of the Indian I think will disclose the fact that the beginning has been
religious teaching, followed by or accompanying secular education. While
the self-sacrificing and pious men and women who have aided in this good
work by their independent endeavor have for their reward the beneficent
results of their labor and the consciousness of Christian duty well
performed, their valuable services should be fully acknowledged by all
who under the law are charged with the control and management of our
Indian wards.
What has been said indicates that in the present condition of the
Indians no attempt should be made to apply a fixed and unyielding plan
of action to their varied and varying needs and circumstances.
The Indian Bureau, burdened as it is with their general oversight and
with the details of the establishment, can hardly possess itself of the
minute phases of the particular cases needing treatment; and thus the
propriety of creating an instrumentality auxiliary to those already
established for the care of the Indians suggests itself.
I recommend the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of six
commissioners, three of whom shall be detailed from the Army, to be
charged with the duty of a careful inspection from time to time of all
the Indians upon our reservations or subject to the care and control
of the Government, with a view of discovering their exact condition
and needs and determining what steps shall be taken on behalf of the
Government to improve their situation in the direction of their
self-support and complete civilization; that they ascertain from such
inspection what, if any, of the reservations may be reduced in area,
and in such cases what part not needed for Indian occupation may be
purchased by the Government from the Indians and disposed of for their
benefit; what, if any, Indians may, with their consent, be removed to
other reservations, with a view of their concentration and the sale on
their behalf of their abandoned reservations; what Indian lands now
held in common should be allotted in severalty; in what manner and to
what extent the Indians upon the reservations can be placed under the
protection of our laws and subjected to their penalties, and which,
if any, Indians should be invested with the right of citizenship. The
powers and functions of the commissioners in regard to these subjects
should be clearly defined, though they should, in conjunction with the
Secretary of the Interior, be given all the authority to deal definitely
with the questions presented deemed safe and consistent.
They should be also charged with the duty of ascertaining the Indians
who might properly be furnished with implements of agriculture, and
of what kind; in what cases the support of the Government should be
withdrawn; where the present plan of distributing Indian supplies should
be changed; where schools may be established and where discontinued;
the conduct, methods, and fitness of agents in charge of reservations;
the extent to which such reservations are occupied or intruded upon by
unauthorized persons, and generally all matters related to the welfare
and improvement of the Indian.
They should advise with the Secretary of the Interior concerning these
matters of detail in management, and he should be given power to deal
with them fully, if he is not now invested with such power.
This plan contemplates the selection of persons for commissioners who
are interested in the Indian question and who have practical ideas upon
the subject of their treatment.
The expense of the Indian Bureau during the last fiscal year was more
than six and a half million dollars. I believe much of this expenditure
might be saved under the plan proposed; that its economical effects
would be increased with its continuance; that the safety of our frontier
settlers would be subserved under its operation, and that the nation
would be saved through its results from the imputation of inhumanity,
injustice, and mismanagement.
In order to carry out the policy of allotment of Indian lands in
severalty, when deemed expedient, it will be necessary to have surveys
completed of the reservations, and I hope that provision will be made
for the prosecution of this work.
In May of the present year a small portion of the Chiricahua Apaches on
the White Mountain Reservation, in Arizona, left the reservation and
committed a number of murders and depredations upon settlers in that
neighborhood. Though prompt and energetic action was taken by the
military, the renegades eluded capture and escaped into Mexico. The
formation of the country through which these Indians passed, their
thorough acquaintance with the same, the speed of their escape, and
the manner in which they scattered and concealed themselves among the
mountains near the scene of their outrages put our soldiers at a great
disadvantage in their efforts to capture them, though the expectation is
still entertained that they will be ultimately taken and punished for
their crimes.
The threatening and disorderly conduct of the Cheyennes in the Indian
Territory early last summer caused considerable alarm and uneasiness.
Investigation proved that their threatening attitude was due in a great
measure to the occupation of the land of their reservation by immense
herds of cattle, which their owners claimed were rightfully there under
certain leases made by the Indians. Such occupation appearing upon
examination to be unlawful notwithstanding these leases, the intruders
were ordered to remove with their cattle from the lands of the Indians
by Executive proclamation. The enforcement of this proclamation had
the effect of restoring peace and order among the Indians, and they are
now quiet and well behaved.
By an Executive order issued on February 27, 1885, by my predecessor,
a portion of the tract of country in the territory known as the Old
Winnebago and Crow Creek reservations was directed to be restored to
the public domain and opened to settlement under the land laws of the
United States, and a large number of persons entered upon those lands.
This action alarmed the Sioux Indians, who claimed the territory as
belonging to their reservation under the treaty of 1868. This claim
was determined, after careful investigation, to be well founded, and
consequently the Executive order referred to was by proclamation of
April 17, 1885, declared to be inoperative and of no effect, and
all persons upon the land were warned to leave. This warning has been
substantially complied with.
The public domain had its origin in cessions of land by the States to
the General Government. The first cession was made by the State of New
York, and the largest, which in area exceeded all the others, by the
State of Virginia. The territory the proprietorship of which became
thus vested in the General Government extended from the western line of
Pennsylvania to the Mississippi River. These patriotic donations of the
States were encumbered with no condition except that they should be held
and used "for the common benefit of the United States." By purchase with
the common fund of all the people additions were made to this domain
until it extended to the northern line of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean, and
the Polar Sea. The original trust, "for the common benefit of the United
States," attached to all. In the execution of that trust the policy of
many homes, rather than large estates, was adopted by the Government.
That these might be easily obtained, and be the abode of security and
contentment, the laws for their acquisition were few, easily understood,
and general in their character. But the pressure of local interests,
combined with a speculative spirit, have in many instances procured
the passage of laws which marred the harmony of the general plan and
encumbered the system with a multitude of general and special enactments
which render the land laws complicated, subject the titles to
uncertainty, and the purchasers often to oppression and wrong. Laws
which were intended for the "common benefit" have been perverted so
that large quantities of land are vesting in single ownerships. From
the multitude and character of the laws, this consequence seems incapable
of correction by mere administration.
It is not for the "common benefit of the United States" that a large
area of the public lands should be acquired, directly or through fraud,
in the hands of a single individual. The nation's strength is in the
people. The nation's prosperity is in their prosperity. The nation's
glory is in the equality of her justice. The nation's perpetuity is in
the patriotism of all her people. Hence, as far as practicable, the plan
adopted in the disposal of the public lands should have in view the
original policy, which encouraged many purchasers of these lands for
homes and discouraged the massing of large areas. Exclusive of Alaska,
about three-fifths of the national domain has been sold or subjected to
contract or grant. Of the remaining two-fifths a considerable portion is
either mountain or desert. A rapidly increasing population creates a
growing demand for homes, and the accumulation of wealth inspires an
eager competition to obtain the public land for speculative purposes.
In the future this collision of interests will be more marked than in
the past, and the execution of the nation's trust in behalf of our
settlers will be more difficult. I therefore commend to your attention
the recommendations contained in the report of the Secretary of the
Interior with reference to the repeal and modification of certain of our
land laws.
The nation has made princely grants and subsidies to a system of
railroads projected as great national highways to connect the Pacific
States with the East. It has been charged that these donations from the
people have been diverted to private gain and corrupt uses, and thus
public indignation has been aroused and suspicion engendered. Our great
nation does not begrudge its generosity, but it abhors peculation and
fraud; and the favorable regard of our people for the great corporations
to which these grants were made can only be revived by a restoration of
confidence, to be secured by their constant, unequivocal, and clearly
manifested integrity. A faithful application of the undiminished
proceeds of the grants to the construction and perfecting of their
roads, an honest discharge of their obligations, and entire justice to
all the people in the enjoyment of their rights on these highways of
travel are all the public asks, and it will be content with no less. To
secure these things should be the common purpose of the officers of the
Government, as well as of the corporations. With this accomplishment
prosperity would be permanently secured to the roads, and national pride
would take the place of national complaint.
It appears from the report of the Commissioner of Pensions that there
were on the 1st day of July, 1885, 345,125 persons borne upon the
pension rolls, who were classified as follows: Army invalids, 241,456;
widows, minor children, and dependent relatives of deceased soldiers,
78,841; navy invalids, 2,745; navy widows, minor children, and
dependents, 1,926; survivors of the War of 1812, 2,945; and widows of
those who served in that war, 17,212. About one man in ten of all those
who enlisted in the late war are reported as receiving pensions,
exclusive of the dependents of deceased soldiers. On the 1st of July,
1875, the number of pensioners was 234,821, and the increase within the
ten years next thereafter was 110,304.
While there is no expenditure of the public funds which the people more
cheerfully approve than that made in recognition of the services of our
soldiers living and dead, the sentiment underlying the subject should
not be vitiated by the introduction of any fraudulent practices.
Therefore it is fully as important that the rolls should be cleansed of
all those who by fraud have secured a place thereon as that meritorious
claims should be speedily examined and adjusted. The reforms in the
methods of doing the business of this Bureau which have lately been
inaugurated promise better results in both these directions.
The operations of the Patent Office demonstrate the activity of the
inventive genius of the country. For the year ended June 30, 1885, the
applications for patents, including reissues, and for the registration
of trade-marks and labels, numbered 35,688. During the same period there
were 22,928 patents granted and reissued and 1,429 trade-marks and
labels registered. The number of patents issued in the year 1875 was
14,387. The receipts during the last fiscal year were $1,074,974.35, and
the total expenditures, not including contingent expenses, $934,123.11.
There were 9,788 applications for patents pending on the 1st day of
July, 1884, and 5,786 on the same date in the year 1885. There has been
considerable improvement made in the prompt determination of
applications and a consequent relief to expectant inventors.
A number of suggestions and recommendations are contained in the report
of the Commissioner of Patents which are well entitled to the
consideration of Congress.
In the Territory of Utah the law of the United States passed for the
suppression of polygamy has been energetically and faithfully executed
during the past year, with measurably good results. A number of
convictions have been secured for unlawful cohabitation, and in some
cases pleas of guilty have been entered and a slight punishment imposed,
upon a promise by the accused that they would not again offend against
the law, nor advise, counsel, aid, or abet in any way its violation by
others.
The Utah commissioners express the opinion, based upon such information
as they are able to obtain, that but few polygamous marriages have taken
place in the Territory during the last year. They further report that
while there can not be found upon the registration lists of voters the
name of a man actually guilty of polygamy, and while none of that class
are holding office, yet at the last election in the Territory all the
officers elected, except in one county, were men who, though not
actually living in the practice of polygamy, subscribe to the doctrine
of polygamous marriages as a divine revelation and a law unto all
higher and more binding upon the conscience than any human law, local
or national. Thus is the strange spectacle presented of a community
protected by a republican form of government, to which they owe
allegiance, sustaining by their suffrages a principle and a belief which
set at naught that obligation of absolute obedience to the law of the
land which lies at the foundation of republican institutions.
The strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny of the nation rest upon
our homes, established by the law of God, guarded by parental care,
regulated by parental authority, and sanctified by parental love.
These are not the homes of polygamy.
The mothers of our land, who rule the nation as they mold the characters
and guide the actions of their sons, live according to God's holy
ordinances, and each, secure and happy in the exclusive love of the
father of her children, sheds the warm light of true womanhood,
unperverted and unpolluted, upon all within her pure and wholesome
family circle.
These are not the cheerless, crushed, and unwomanly mothers of polygamy.
The fathers of our families are the best citizens of the Republic. Wife
and children are the sources of patriotism, and conjugal and parental
affection beget devotion to the country. The man who, undefiled with
plural marriage, is surrounded in his single home with his wife and
children has a stake in the country which inspires him with respect for
its laws and courage for its defense.
These are not the fathers of polygamous families.
There is no feature of this practice or the system which sanctions it
which is not opposed to all that is of value in our institutions.
There should be no relaxation in the firm but just execution of the law
now in operation, and I should be glad to approve such further discreet
legislation as will rid the country of this blot upon its fair fame.
Since the people upholding polygamy in our Territories are reenforced
by immigration from other lands, I recommend that a law be passed to
prevent the importation of Mormons into the country.
The agricultural interest of the country demands just recognition and
liberal encouragement. It sustains with certainty and unfailing strength
our nation's prosperity by the products of its steady toil, and bears
its full share of the burden of taxation without complaint. Our
agriculturists have but slight personal representation in the councils
of the nation, and are generally content with the humbler duties of
citizenship and willing to trust to the bounty of nature for a reward of
their labor. But the magnitude and value of this industry are
appreciated when the statement is made that of our total annual exports
more than three-fourths are the products of agriculture, and of our
total population nearly one-half are exclusively engaged in that
occupation.
The Department of Agriculture was created for the purpose of
acquiring and diffusing among the people useful information respecting
the subjects it has in charge, and aiding in the cause of intelligent
and progressive farming, by the collection of statistics, by testing
the value and usefulness of new seeds and plants, and distributing
such as are found desirable among agriculturists. This and other
powers and duties with which this Department is invested are of the
utmost importance, and if wisely exercised must be of great benefit to
the country. The aim of our beneficent Government is the improvement of
the people in every station and the amelioration of their condition.
Surely our agriculturists should not be neglected. The instrumentality
established in aid of the farmers of the land should not only be well
equipped for the accomplishment of its purpose, but those for whose
benefit it has been adopted should be encouraged to avail themselves
fully of its advantages.
The prohibition of the importation into several countries of certain of
our animals and their products, based upon the suspicion that health is
endangered in their use and consumption, suggests the importance of such
precautions for the protection of our stock of all kinds against disease
as will disarm suspicion of danger and cause the removal of such an
injurious prohibition.
If the laws now in operation are insufficient to accomplish this
protection, I recommend their amendment to meet the necessities of
the situation; and I commend to the consideration of Congress the
suggestions contained in the report of the Commissioner of Agriculture
calculated to increase the value and efficiency of this Department.
The report of the Civil Service Commission, which will be submitted,
contains an account of the manner in which the civil-service law has
been executed during the last year and much valuable information on this
important subject.
I am inclined to think that there is no sentiment more general in the
minds of the people of our country than a conviction of the correctness
of the principle upon which the law enforcing civil-service reform is
based. In its present condition the law regulates only a part of the
subordinate public positions throughout the country. It applies the test
of fitness to applicants for these places by means of a competitive
examination, and gives large discretion to the Commissioners as to the
character of the examination and many other matters connected with its
execution. Thus the rules and regulations adopted by the Commission have
much to do with the practical usefulness of the statute and with the
results of its application.
The people may well trust the Commission to execute the law with perfect
fairness and with as little irritation as is possible. But of course no
relaxation of the principle which underlies it and no weakening of the
safeguards which surround it can be expected. Experience in its
administration will probably suggest amendment of the methods of its
execution, but I venture to hope that we shall never again be remitted
to the system which distributes public positions purely as rewards for
partisan service. Doubts may well be entertained whether our Government
could survive the strain of a continuance of this system, which upon
every change of Administration inspires an immense army of claimants for
office to lay siege to the patronage of Government, engrossing the time
of public officers with their importunities, spreading abroad the
contagion of their disappointment, and filling the air with the tumult
of their discontent.
The allurements of an immense number of offices and places exhibited to
the voters of the land, and the promise of their bestowal in recognition
of partisan activity, debauch the suffrage and rob political action of
its thoughtful and deliberative character. The evil would increase with
the multiplication of offices consequent upon our extension, and the
mania for office holding, growing from its indulgence, would pervade
our population so generally that patriotic purpose, the support of
principle, the desire for the public good, and solicitude for the
nation's welfare would be nearly banished from the activity of our
party contests and cause them to degenerate into ignoble, selfish, and
disgraceful struggles for the possession of office and public place.
Civil-service reform enforced by law came none too soon to check the
progress of demoralization.
One of its effects, not enough regarded, is the freedom it brings to the
political action of those conservative and sober men who, in fear of the
confusion and risk attending an arbitrary and sudden change in all the
public offices with a change of party rule, cast their ballots against
such a chance.
Parties seem to be necessary, and will long continue to exist; nor can
it be now denied that there are legitimate advantages, not disconnected
with office holding, which follow party supremacy. While partisanship
continues bitter and pronounced and supplies so much of motive to
sentiment and action, it is not fair to hold public officials in charge
of important trusts responsible for the best results in the performance
of their duties, and yet insist that they shall rely in confidential and
important places upon the work of those not only opposed to them in
political affiliation, but so steeped in partisan prejudice and rancor
that they have no loyalty to their chiefs and no desire for their
success. Civil-service reform does not exact this, nor does it require
that those in subordinate positions who fail in yielding their best
service or who are incompetent should be retained simply because they
are in place. The whining of a clerk discharged for indolence or
incompetency, who, though he gained his place by the worst possible
operation of the spoils system, suddenly discovers that he is entitled
to protection under the sanction of civil-service reform, represents an
idea no less absurd than the clamor of the applicant who claims the
vacant position as his compensation for the most questionable party
work.
The civil-service law does not prevent the discharge of the indolent
or incompetent clerk, but it does prevent supplying his place with the
unfit party worker. Thus in both these phases is seen benefit to the
public service. And the people who desire good government, having
secured this statute, will not relinquish its benefits without protest.
Nor are they unmindful of the fact that its full advantages can only be
gained through the complete good faith of those having its execution in
charge. And this they will insist upon.
I recommend that the salaries of the Civil Service Commissioners be
increased to a sum more nearly commensurate to their important duties.
It is a source of considerable and not unnatural discontent that no
adequate provision has yet been made for accommodating the principal
library of the Government. Of the vast collection of books and
pamphlets gathered at the Capitol, numbering some 700,000, exclusive of
manuscripts, maps, and the products of the graphic arts, also of great
volume and value, only about 300,000 volumes, or less than half the
collection, are provided with shelf room. The others, which are
increasing at the rate of from twenty-five to thirty thousand volumes
a year, are not only inaccessible to the public, but are subject to
serious damage and deterioration from other causes in their present
situation.
A consideration of the facts that the library of the Capitol has twice
been destroyed or damaged by fire, its daily increasing value, and its
importance as a place of deposit of books under the law relating to
copyright makes manifest the necessity of prompt action to insure its
proper accommodation and protection.
My attention has been called to a controversy which has arisen from the
condition of the law relating to railroad facilities in the city of
Washington, which has involved the Commissioners of the District in much
annoyance and trouble. I hope this difficulty will be promptly settled
by appropriate legislation.
The Commissioners represent that enough of the revenues of the District
are now on deposit in the Treasury of the United States to repay the sum
advanced by the Government for sewer improvements under the act of June
30, 1884. They desire now an advance of the share which ultimately
should be borne by the District of the cost of extensive improvements
to the streets of the city. The total expense of these contemplated
improvements is estimated at $1,000,000, and they are of the opinion
that a considerable sum could be saved if they had all the money in
hand, so that contracts for the whole work could be made at the same
time. They express confidence that if the advance asked for should be
made the Government would be reimbursed the same within a reasonable
time. I have no doubt that these improvements could be made much cheaper
if undertaken together and prosecuted according to a general plan.
The license law now in force within the District is deficient and
uncertain in some of its provisions and ought to be amended. The
Commissioners urge, with good reason, the necessity of providing a
building for the use of the District government which shall better
secure the safety and preservation of its valuable books and records.
The present condition of the law relating to the succession to the
Presidency in the event of the death, disability, or removal of both the
President and Vice-President is such as to require immediate amendment.
This subject has repeatedly been considered by Congress, but no result
has been reached. The recent lamentable death of the Vice-President, and
vacancies at the same time in all other offices the incumbents of which
might immediately exercise the functions of the Presidential office, has
caused public anxiety and a just demand that a recurrence of such a
condition of affairs should not be permitted.
In conclusion I commend to the wise care and thoughtful attention of
Congress the needs, the welfare, and the aspirations of an intelligent
and generous nation. To subordinate these to the narrow advantages of
partisanship or the accomplishment of selfish aims is to violate the
people's trust and betray the people's interests; but an individual
sense of responsibility on the part of each of us and a stern
determination to perform our duty well must give us place among those
who have added in their day and generation to the glory and prosperity
of our beloved land.
GROVER CLEVELAND. |
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