1689



Honoured Sir,



Since you are pleased to inquire what are my thoughts about the mutual
toleration of Christians in their different professions of religion, I must
needs answer you freely that I esteem that toleration to be the chief
characteristic mark of the true Church. For whatsoever some people boast of the
antiquity of places and names, or of the pomp of their outward worship; others,
of the reformation of their discipline; all, of the orthodoxy of their faith
— for everyone is orthodox to himself — these things, and all others
of this nature, are much rather marks of men striving for power and empire over
one another than of the Church of Christ. Let anyone have never so true a claim
to all these things, yet if he be destitute of charity, meekness, and good-will
in general towards all mankind, even to those that are not Christians, he is
certainly yet short of being a true Christian himself. "The kings of the
Gentiles exercise leadership over them," said our Saviour to his
disciples, "but ye shall not be so."[1]
The business of true religion is quite another thing. It is not instituted in
order to the erecting of an external pomp, nor to the obtaining of
ecclesiastical dominion, nor to the exercising of compulsive force, but to the
regulating of men's lives, according to the rules of virtue and piety.
Whosoever will list himself under the banner of Christ, must, in the first
place and above all things, make war upon his own lusts and vices. It is in
vain for any man to unsurp the name of Christian, without holiness of life,
purity of manners, benignity and meekness of spirit. "Let everyone that
nameth the name of Christ, depart from iniquity."[2] "Thou, when thou art converted, strengthen thy
brethren," said our Lord to Peter.[3] It
would, indeed, be very hard for one that appears careless about his own
salvation to persuade me that he were extremely concerned for mine. For it is
impossible that those should sincerely and heartily apply themselves to make
other people Christians, who have not really embraced the Christian religion in
their own hearts. If the Gospel and the apostles may be credited, no man can be
a Christian without charity and without that faith which works, not by force,
but by love. Now, I appeal to the consciences of those that persecute, torment,
destroy, and kill other men upon pretence of religion, whether they do it out
of friendship and kindness towards them or no? And I shall then indeed, and not
until then, believe they do so, when I shall see those fiery zealots
correcting, in the same manner, their friends and familiar acquaintance for the
manifest sins they commit against the precepts of the Gospel; when I shall see
them persecute with fire and sword the members of their own communion that are
tainted with enormous vices and without amendment are in danger of eternal
perdition; and when I shall see them thus express their love and desire of the
salvation of their souls by the infliction of torments and exercise of all
manner of cruelties. For if it be out of a principle of charity, as they
pretend, and love to men's souls that they deprive them of their estates, maim
them with corporal punishments, starve and torment them in noisome prisons, and
in the end even take away their lives — I say, if all this be done merely
to make men Christians and procure their salvation, why then do they suffer
whoredom, fraud, malice, and such-like enormities, which (according to the
apostle)[4] manifestly relish of heathenish
corruption, to predominate so much and abound amongst their flocks and people?
These, and such-like things, are certainly more contrary to the glory of God,
to the purity of the Church, and to the salvation of souls, than any
conscientious dissent from ecclesiastical decisions, or separation from public
worship, whilst accompanied with innocence of life. Why, then, does this
burning zeal for God, for the Church, and for the salvation of souls —

burning I say, literally, with fire and faggot — pass by those moral vices
and wickednesses, without any chastisement, which are acknowledged by all men
to be diametrically opposite to the profession of Christianity, and bend all
its nerves either to the introducing of ceremonies, or to the establishment of
opinions, which for the most part are about nice and intricate matters, that
exceed the capacity of ordinary understandings? Which of the parties contending
about these things is in the right, which of them is guilty of schism or
heresy, whether those that domineer or those that suffer, will then at last be
manifest when the causes of their separation comes to be judged of He,
certainly, that follows Christ, embraces His doctrine, and bears His yoke,
though he forsake both father and mother, separate from the public assemblies
and ceremonies of his country, or whomsoever or whatsoever else he
relinquishes, will not then be judged a heretic.


Now, though the divisions that are amongst sects should be allowed to be
never so obstructive of the salvation of souls; yet, nevertheless, adultery,
fornication, uncleanliness, lasciviousness, idolatry, and such-like things,
cannot be denied to be works of the flesh, concerning which the apostle has
expressly declared that "they who do them shall not inherit the kingdom of
God."[5] Whosoever, therefore, is sincerely
solicitous about the kingdom of God and thinks it his duty to endeavour the
enlargement of it amongst men, ought to apply himself with no less care and
industry to the rooting out of these immoralities than to the extirpation of
sects. But if anyone do otherwise, and whilst he is cruel and implacable
towards those that differ from him in opinion, he be indulgent to such
iniquities and immoralities as are unbecoming the name of a Christian, let such
a one talk never so much of the Church, he plainly demonstrates by his actions
that it is another kingdom he aims at and not the advancement of the kingdom of
God.


That any man should think fit to cause another man — whose salvation he
heartily desires — to expire in torments, and that even in an unconverted
state, would, I confess, seem very strange to me, and I think, to any other
also. But nobody, surely, will ever believe that such a carriage can proceed
from charity, love, or goodwill. If anyone maintain that men ought to be
compelled by fire and sword to profess certain doctrines, and conform to this
or that exterior worship, without any regard had unto their morals; if anyone
endeavour to convert those that are erroneous unto the faith, by forcing them
to profess things that they do not believe and allowing them to practise things
that the Gospel does not permit, it cannot be doubted indeed but such a one is
desirous to have a numerous assembly joined in the same profession with
himself; but that he principally intends by those means to compose a truly
Christian Church is altogether incredible. It is not, therefore, to be wondered
at if those who do not really contend for the advancement of the true religion,
and of the Church of Christ, make use of arms that do not belong to the
Christian warfare. If, like the Captain of our salvation, they sincerely
desired the good of souls, they would tread in the steps and follow the perfect
example of that Prince of Peace, who sent out His soldiers to the subduing of
nations, and gathering them into His Church, not armed with the sword, or other
instruments of force, but prepared with the Gospel of peace and with the
exemplary holiness of their conversation. This was His method. Though if
infidels were to be converted by force, if those that are either blind or
obstinate were to be drawn off from their errors by armed soldiers, we know
very well that it was much more easy for Him to do it with armies of heavenly
legions than for any son of the Church, how potent soever, with all his
dragoons.


The toleration of those that differ from others in matters of religion is so
agreeable to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to the genuine reason of mankind,
that it seems monstrous for men to be so blind as not to perceive the necessity
and advantage of it in so clear a light. I will not here tax the pride and
ambition of some, the passion and uncharitable zeal of others. These are faults
from which human affairs can perhaps scarce ever be perfectly freed; but yet
such as nobody will bear the plain imputation of, without covering them with
some specious colour; and so pretend to commendation, whilst they are carried
away by their own irregular passions. But, however, that some may not colour
their spirit of persecution and unchristian cruelty with a pretence of care of
the public weal and observation of the laws; and that others, under pretence of
religion, may not seek impunity for their libertinism and licentiousness; in a
word, that none may impose either upon himself or others, by the pretences of
loyalty and obedience to the prince, or of tenderness and sincerity in the
worship of God; I esteem it above all things necessary to distinguish exactly
the business of civil government from that of religion and to settle the just
bounds that lie between the one and the other. If this be not done, there can
be no end put to the controversies that will be always arising between those
that have, or at least pretend to have, on the one side, a concernment for the
interest of men's souls, and, on the other side, a care of the commonwealth. 




The commonwealth seems to me to be a society of men constituted only for the
procuring, preserving, and advancing their own civil interests.


Civil interests I call life, liberty, health, and indolency of body; and the
possession of outward things, such as money, lands, houses, furniture, and the
like.


It is the duty of the civil magistrate, by the impartial execution of equal
laws, to secure unto all the people in general and to every one of his subjects
in particular the just possession of these things belonging to this life. If
anyone presume to violate the laws of public justice and equity, established
for the preservation of those things, his presumption is to be checked by the
fear of punishment, consisting of the deprivation or diminution of those civil
interests, or goods, which otherwise he might and ought to enjoy. But seeing no
man does willingly suffer himself to be punished by the deprivation of any part
of his goods, and much less of his liberty or life, therefore, is the
magistrate armed with the force and strength of all his subjects, in order to
the punishment of those that violate any other man's rights.


Now that the whole jurisdiction of the magistrate reaches only to these
civil concernments, and that all civil power, right and dominion, is bounded
and confined to the only care of promoting these things; and that it neither
can nor ought in any manner to be extended to the salvation of souls, these
following considerations seem unto me abundantly to demonstrate.


First, because the care of souls is not committed to the civil magistrate,
any more than to other men. It is not committed unto him, I say, by God;
because it appears not that God has ever given any such authority to one man
over another as to compel anyone to his religion. Nor can any such power be
vested in the magistrate by the consent of the people, because no man can so
far abandon the care of his own salvation as blindly to leave to the choice of
any other, whether prince or subject, to prescribe to him what faith or worship
he shall embrace. For no man can, if he would, conform his faith to the
dictates of another. All the life and power of true religion consist in the
inward and full persuasion of the mind; and faith is not faith without
believing. Whatever profession we make, to whatever outward worship we conform,
if we are not fully satisfied in our own mind that the one is true and the
other well pleasing unto God, such profession and such practice, far from being
any furtherance, are indeed great obstacles to our salvation. For in this
manner, instead of expiating other sins by the exercise of religion, I say, in
offering thus unto God Almighty such a worship as we esteem to be displeasing
unto Him, we add unto the number of our other sins those also of hypocrisy and
contempt of His Divine Majesty.


In the second place, the care of souls cannot belong to the civil
magistrate, because his power consists only in outward force; but true and
saving religion consists in the inward persuasion of the mind, without which
nothing can be acceptable to God. And such is the nature of the understanding,
that it cannot be compelled to the belief of anything by outward force.
Confiscation of estate, imprisonment, torments, nothing of that nature can have
any such efficacy as to make men change the inward judgement that they have
framed of things.


It may indeed be alleged that the magistrate may make use of arguments, and,
thereby; draw the heterodox into the way of truth, and procure their salvation.
I grant it; but this is common to him with other men. In teaching, instructing,
and redressing the erroneous by reason, he may certainly do what becomes any
good man to do. Magistracy does not oblige him to put off either humanity or
Christianity; but it is one thing to persuade, another to command; one thing to
press with arguments, another with penalties. This civil power alone has a
right to do; to the other, goodwill is authority enough. Every man has
commission to admonish, exhort, convince another of error, and, by reasoning,
to draw him into truth; but to give laws, receive obedience, and compel with
the sword, belongs to none but the magistrate. And, upon this ground, I affirm
that the magistrate's power extends not to the establishing of any articles of
faith, or forms of worship, by the force of his laws. For laws are of no force
at all without penalties, and penalties in this case are absolutely
impertinent, because they are not proper to convince the mind. Neither the
profession of any articles of faith, nor the conformity to any outward form of
worship (as has been already said), can be available to the salvation of souls,
unless the truth of the one and the acceptableness of the other unto God be
thoroughly believed by those that so profess and practise. But penalties are no
way capable to produce such belief. It is only light and evidence that can work
a change in men's opinions; which light can in no manner proceed from corporal
sufferings, or any other outward penalties.


In the third place, the care of the salvation of men's souls cannot belong
to the magistrate; because, though the rigour of laws and the force of
penalties were capable to convince and change men's minds, yet would not that
help at all to the salvation of their souls. For there being but one truth, one
way to heaven, what hope is there that more men would be led into it if they
had no rule but the religion of the court and were put under the necessity to
quit the light of their own reason, and oppose the dictates of their own
consciences, and blindly to resign themselves up to the will of their governors
and to the religion which either ignorance, ambition, or superstition had
chanced to establish in the countries where they were born? In the variety and
contradiction of opinions in religion, wherein the princes of the world are as
much divided as in their secular interests, the narrow way would be much
straitened; one country alone would be in the right, and all the rest of the
world put under an obligation of following their princes in the ways that lead
to destruction; and that which heightens the absurdity, and very ill suits the
notion of a Deity, men would owe their eternal happiness or misery to the
places of their nativity.


These considerations, to omit many others that might have been urged to the
same purpose, seem unto me sufficient to conclude that all the power of civil
government relates only to men's civil interests, is confined to the care of
the things of this world, and hath nothing to do with the world to come.



Let us now consider what a church is. A church, then, I take to be a
voluntary society of men, joining themselves together of their own accord in
order to the public worshipping of God in such manner as they judge acceptable
to Him, and effectual to the salvation of their souls.


I say it is a free and voluntary society. Nobody is born a member of any
church; otherwise the religion of parents would descend unto children by the
same right of inheritance as their temporal estates, and everyone would hold
his faith by the same tenure he does his lands, than which nothing can be
imagined more absurd. Thus, therefore, that matter stands. No man by nature is
bound unto any particular church or sect, but everyone joins himself
voluntarily to that society in which he believes he has found that profession
and worship which is truly acceptable to God. The hope of salvation, as it was
the only cause of his entrance into that communion, so it can be the only
reason of his stay there. For if afterwards he discover anything either
erroneous in the doctrine or incongruous in the worship of that society to
which he has joined himself, why should it not be as free for him to go out as
it was to enter? No member of a religious society can be tied with any other
bonds but what proceed from the certain expectation of eternal life. A church,
then, is a society of members voluntarily uniting to that end.


It follows now that we consider what is the power of this church and unto
what laws it is subject.


Forasmuch as no society, how free soever, or upon whatsoever slight occasion
instituted, whether of philosophers for learning, of merchants for commerce, or
of men of leisure for mutual conversation and discourse, no church or company,
I say, can in the least subsist and hold together, but will presently dissolve
and break in pieces, unless it be regulated by some laws, and the members all
consent to observe some order. Place and time of meeting must be agreed on;
rules for admitting and excluding members must be established; distinction of
officers, and putting things into a regular course, and suchlike, cannot be
omitted. But since the joining together of several members into this
church-society, as has already been demonstrated, is absolutely free and
spontaneous, it necessarily follows that the right of making its laws can
belong to none but the society itself; or, at least (which is the same thing),
to those whom the society by common consent has authorised thereunto.


Some, perhaps, may object that no such society can be said to be a true
church unless it have in it a bishop or presbyter, with ruling authority
derived from the very apostles, and continued down to the present times by an
uninterrupted succession.


To these I answer: In the first place, let them show me the edict by which
Christ has imposed that law upon His Church. And let not any man think me
impertinent, if in a thing of this consequence I require that the terms of that
edict be very express and positive; for the promise He has made us,[6]
that "wheresoever two or three are gathered together" in His name, He
will be in the midst of them, seems to imply the contrary. Whether such an
assembly want anything necessary to a true church, pray do you consider.
Certain I am that nothing can be there wanting unto the salvation of souls,
which is sufficient to our purpose.


Next, pray observe how great have always been the divisions amongst even
those who lay so much stress upon the Divine institution and continued
succession of a certain order of rulers in the Church. Now, their very
dissension unavoidably puts us upon a necessity of deliberating and,
consequently, allows a liberty of choosing that which upon consideration we
prefer.



And, in the last place, I consent that these men have a ruler in their
church, established by such a long series of succession as they judge
necessary, provided I may have liberty at the same time to join myself to that
society in which I am persuaded those things are to be found which are
necessary to the salvation of my soul. In this manner ecclesiastical liberty
will be preserved on all sides, and no man will have a legislator imposed upon
him but whom himself has chosen.


But since men are so solicitous about the true church, I would only ask them
here, by the way, if it be not more agreeable to the Church of Christ to make
the conditions of her communion consist in such things, and such things only,
as the Holy Spirit has in the Holy Scriptures declared, in express words, to be
necessary to salvation; I ask, I say, whether this be not more agreeable to the
Church of Christ than for men to impose their own inventions and
interpretations upon others as if they were of Divine authority, and to
establish by ecclesiastical laws, as absolutely necessary to the profession of
Christianity, such things as the Holy Scriptures do either not mention, or at
least not expressly command? Whosoever requires those things in order to
ecclesiastical communion, which Christ does not require in order to life
eternal, he may, perhaps, indeed constitute a society accommodated to his own
opinion and his own advantage; but how that can be called the Church of Christ
which is established upon laws that are not His, and which excludes such
persons from its communion as He will one day receive into the Kingdom of
Heaven, I understand not. But this being not a proper place to inquire into the
marks of the true church, I will only mind those that contend so earnestly for
the decrees of their own society, and that cry out continually, "The
Church! the Church!" with as much noise, and perhaps upon the same
principle, as the Ephesian silversmiths did for their Diana; this, I say, I
desire to mind them of, that the Gospel frequently declares that the true
disciples of Christ must suffer persecution; but that the Church of Christ
should persecute others, and force others by fire and sword to embrace her
faith and doctrine, I could never yet find in any of the books of the New
Testament.


The end of a religious society (as has already been said) is the public
worship of God and, by means thereof, the acquisition of eternal life. All
discipline ought, therefore, to tend to that end, and all ecclesiastical laws
to be thereunto confined. Nothing ought nor can be transacted in this society
relating to the possession of civil and worldly goods. No force is here to be
made use of upon any occasion whatsoever. For force belongs wholly to the civil
magistrate, and the possession of all outward goods is subject to his
jurisdiction.


But, it may be asked, by what means then shall ecclesiastical laws be
established, if they must be thus destitute of all compulsive power? I answer:
They must be established by means suitable to the nature of such things,
whereof the external profession and observation — if not proceeding from a
thorough conviction and approbation of the mind — is altogether useless
and unprofitable. The arms by which the members of this society are to be kept
within their duty are exhortations, admonitions, and advices. If by these means
the offenders will not be reclaimed, and the erroneous convinced, there remains
nothing further to be done but that such stubborn and obstinate persons, who
give no ground to hope for their reformation, should be cast out and separated
from the society. This is the last and utmost force of ecclesiastical
authority. No other punishment can thereby be inflicted than that, the relation
ceasing between the body and the member which is cut off. The person so
condemned ceases to be a part of that church.


These things being thus determined, let us inquire, in the next place: How
far the duty of toleration extends, and what is required from everyone by it? 



And, first, I hold that no church is bound, by the duty of toleration, to
retain any such person in her bosom as, after admonition, continues obstinately
to offend against the laws of the society. For, these being the condition of
communion and the bond of the society, if the breach of them were permitted
without any animadversion the society would immediately be thereby dissolved.
But, nevertheless, in all such cases care is to be taken that the sentence of
excommunication, and the execution thereof, carry with it no rough usage of
word or action whereby the ejected person may any wise be damnified in body or
estate. For all force (as has often been said) belongs only to the magistrate,
nor ought any private persons at any time to use force, unless it be in
self-defence against unjust violence. Excommunication neither does, nor can,
deprive the excommunicated person of any of those civil goods that he formerly
possessed. All those things belong to the civil government and are under the
magistrate's protection. The whole force of excommunication consists only in
this: that, the resolution of the society in that respect being declared, the
union that was between the body and some member comes thereby to be dissolved;
and, that relation ceasing, the participation of some certain things which the
society communicated to its members, and unto which no man has any civil right,
comes also to cease. For there is no civil injury done unto the excommunicated
person by the church minister's refusing him that bread and wine, in the
celebration of the Lord's Supper, which was not bought with his but other men's
money.


Secondly, no private person has any right in any manner to prejudice another
person in his civil enjoyments because he is of another church or religion. All
the rights and franchises that belong to him as a man, or as a denizen, are
inviolably to be preserved to him. These are not the business of religion. No
violence nor injury is to be offered him, whether he be Christian or Pagan.
Nay, we must not content ourselves with the narrow measures of bare justice;
charity, bounty, and liberality must be added to it. This the Gospel enjoins,
this reason directs, and this that natural fellowship we are born into requires
of us. If any man err from the right way, it is his own misfortune, no injury
to thee; nor therefore art thou to punish him in the things of this life
because thou supposest he will be miserable in that which is to come.



What I say concerning the mutual toleration of private persons differing
from one another in religion, I understand also of particular churches which
stand, as it were, in the same relation to each other as private persons among
themselves: nor has any one of them any manner of jurisdiction over any other;
no, not even when the civil magistrate (as it sometimes happens) comes to be of
this or the other communion. For the civil government can give no new right to
the church, nor the church to the civil government. So that, whether the
magistrate join himself to any church, or separate from it, the church remains
always as it was before — a free and voluntary society. It neither
requires the power of the sword by the magistrate's coming to it, nor does it
lose the right of instruction and excommunication by his going from it. This is
the fundamental and immutable right of a spontaneous society — that it has
power to remove any of its members who transgress the rules of its institution;
but it cannot, by the accession of any new members, acquire any right of
jurisdiction over those that are not joined with it. And therefore peace,
equity, and friendship are always mutually to be observed by particular
churches, in the same manner as by private persons, without any pretence of
superiority or jurisdiction over one another.


That the thing may be made clearer by an example, let us suppose two
churches — the one of Arminians, the other of Calvinists — residing
in the city of Constantinople. Will anyone say that either of these churches
has right to deprive the members of the other of their estates and liberty (as
we see practised elsewhere) because of their differing from it in some
doctrines and ceremonies, whilst the Turks, in the meanwhile, silently stand by
and laugh to see with what inhuman cruelty Christians thus rage against
Christians? But if one of these churches hath this power of treating the other
ill, I ask which of them it is to whom that power belongs, and by what right?
It will be answered, undoubtedly, that it is the orthodox church which has the
right of authority over the erroneous or heretical. This is, in great and
specious words, to say just nothing at all. For every church is orthodox to
itself; to others, erroneous or heretical. For whatsoever any church believes,
it believes to be true and the contrary unto those things it pronounce; to be
error. So that the controversy between these churches about the truth of their
doctrines and the purity of their worship is on both sides equal; nor is there
any judge, either at Constantinople or elsewhere upon earth, by whose sentence
it can be determined. The decision of that question belongs only to the Supreme
judge of all men, to whom also alone belongs the punishment of the erroneous.
In the meanwhile, let those men consider how heinously they sin, who, adding
injustice, if not to their error, yet certainly to their pride, do rashly and
arrogantly take upon them to misuse the servants of another master, who are not
at all accountable to them.


Nay, further: if it could be manifest which of these two dissenting churches
were in the right, there would not accrue thereby unto the orthodox any right
of destroying the other. For churches have neither any jurisdiction in worldly
matters, nor are fire and sword any proper instruments wherewith to convince
men's minds of error, and inform them of the truth. Let us suppose,
nevertheless, that the civil magistrate inclined to favour one of them and to
put his sword into their hands that (by his consent) they might chastise the
dissenters as they pleased. Will any man say that any right can be derived unto
a Christian church over its brethren from a Turkish emperor? An infidel, who
has himself no authority to punish Christians for the articles of their faith,
cannot confer such an authority upon any society of Christians, nor give unto
them a right which he has not himself. This would be the case at
Constantinople; and the reason of the thing is the same in any Christian
kingdom. The civil power is the same in every place. Nor can that power, in the
hands of a Christian prince, confer any greater authority upon the Church than
in the hands of a heathen; which is to say, just none at all.


Nevertheless, it is worthy to be observed and lamented that the most violent
of these defenders of the truth, the opposers of errors, the exclaimers against
schism do hardly ever let loose this their zeal for God, with which they are so
warmed and inflamed, unless where they have the civil magistrate on their side.
But so soon as ever court favour has given them the better end of the staff,
and they begin to feel themselves the stronger, then presently peace and
charity are to be laid aside. Otherwise they are religiously to be observed.
Where they have not the power to carry on persecution and to become masters,
there they desire to live upon fair terms and preach up toleration. When they
are not strengthened with the civil power, then they can bear most patiently
and unmovedly the contagion of idolatry, superstition, and heresy in their
neighbourhood; of which on other occasions the interest of religion makes them
to be extremely apprehensive. They do not forwardly attack those errors which
are in fashion at court or are countenanced by the government. Here they can be
content to spare their arguments; which yet (with their leave) is the only
right method of propagating truth, which has no such way of prevailing as when
strong arguments and good reason are joined with the softness of civility and
good usage.


Nobody, therefore, in fine, neither single persons nor churches, nay, nor
even commonwealths, have any just title to invade the civil rights and worldly
goods of each other upon pretence of religion. Those that are of another
opinion would do well to consider with themselves how pernicious a seed of
discord and war, how powerful a provocation to endless hatreds, rapines, and
slaughters they thereby furnish unto mankind. No peace and security, no, not so
much as common friendship, can ever be established or preserved amongst men so
long as this opinion prevails, that dominion is founded in grace and that
religion is to be propagated by force of arms.



In the third place, let us see what the duty of toleration requires from
those who are distinguished from the rest of mankind (from the laity, as they
please to call us) by some ecclesiastical character and office; whether they be
bishops, priests, presbyters, ministers, or however else dignified or
distinguished. It is not my business to inquire here into the original of the
power or dignity of the clergy. This only I say, that, whencesoever their
authority be sprung, since it is ecclesiastical, it ought to be confined within
the bounds of the Church, nor can it in any manner be extended to civil
affairs, because the Church itself is a thing absolutely separate and distinct
from the commonwealth. The boundaries on both sides are fixed and immovable. He
jumbles heaven and earth together, the things most remote and opposite, who
mixes these two societies, which are in their original, end, business, and in
everything perfectly distinct and infinitely different from each other. No man,
therefore, with whatsoever ecclesiastical office he be dignified, can deprive
another man that is not of his church and faith either of liberty or of any
part of his worldly goods upon the account of that difference between them in
religion. For whatsoever is not lawful to the whole Church cannot by any
ecclesiastical right become lawful to any of its members.


But this is not all. It is not enough that ecclesiastical men abstain from
violence and rapine and all manner of persecution. He that pretends to be a
successor of the apostles, and takes upon him the office of teaching, is
obliged also to admonish his hearers of the duties of peace and goodwill
towards all men, as well towards the erroneous as the orthodox; towards those
that differ from them in faith and worship as well as towards those that agree
with them therein. And he ought industriously to exhort all men, whether
private persons or magistrates (if any such there be in his church), to
charity, meekness, and toleration, and diligently endeavour to ally and temper
all that heat and unreasonable averseness of mind which either any man's fiery
zeal for his own sect or the craft of others has kindled against dissenters. I
will not undertake to represent how happy and how great would be the fruit,
both in Church and State, if the pulpits everywhere sounded with this doctrine
of peace and toleration, lest I should seem to reflect too severely upon those
men whose dignity I desire not to detract from, nor would have it diminished
either by others or themselves. But this I say, that thus it ought to be. And
if anyone that professes himself to be a minister of the Word of God, a
preacher of the gospel of peace, teach otherwise, he either understands not or
neglects the business of his calling and shall one day give account thereof
unto the Prince of Peace. If Christians are to be admonished that they abstain
from all manner of revenge, even after repeated provocations and multiplied
injuries, how much more ought they who suffer nothing, who have had no harm
done them, forbear violence and abstain from all manner of ill-usage towards
those from whom they have received none! This caution and temper they ought
certainly to use towards those. who mind only their own business and are
solicitous for nothing but that (whatever men think of them) they may worship
God in that manner which they are persuaded is acceptable to Him and in which
they have the strongest hopes of eternal salvation. In private domestic
affairs, in the management of estates, in the conservation of bodily health,
every man may consider what suits his own convenience and follow what course he
likes best. No man complains of the ill-management of his neighbour's affairs.
No man is angry with another for an error committed in sowing his land or in
marrying his daughter. Nobody corrects a spendthrift for consuming his
substance in taverns. Let any man pull down, or build, or make whatsoever
expenses he pleases, nobody murmurs, nobody controls him; he has his liberty.
But if any man do not frequent the church, if he do not there conform his
behaviour exactly to the accustomed ceremonies, or if he brings not his
children to be initiated in the sacred mysteries of this or the other
congregation, this immediately causes an uproar. The neighbourhood is filled
with noise and clamour. Everyone is ready to be the avenger of so great a
crime, and the zealots hardly have the patience to refrain from violence and
rapine so long till the cause be heard and the poor man be, according to form,
condemned to the loss of liberty, goods, or life. Oh, that our ecclesiastical
orators of every sect would apply themselves with all the strength of arguments
that they are able to the confounding of men's errors! But let them spare their
persons. Let them not supply their want of reasons with the instruments of
force, which belong to another jurisdiction and do ill become a Churchman's
hands. Let them not call in the magistrate's authority to the aid of their
eloquence or learning, lest perhaps, whilst they pretend only love for the
truth, this their intemperate zeal, breathing nothing but fire and sword,
betray their ambition and show that what they desire is temporal dominion. For
it will be very difficult to persuade men of sense that he who with dry eyes
and satisfaction of mind can deliver his brother to the executioner to be burnt
alive, does sincerely and heartily concern himself to save that brother from
the flames of hell in the world to come.


In the last place, let us now consider what is the magistrate's duty in the
business of toleration, which certainly is very considerable.


We have already proved that the care of souls does not belong to the
magistrate. Not a magisterial care, I mean (if I may so call it), which
consists in prescribing by laws and compelling by punishments. But a charitable
care, which consists in teaching, admonishing, and persuading, cannot be denied
unto any man. The care, therefore, of every man's soul belongs unto himself and
is to be left unto himself. But what if he neglect the care of his soul? I
answer: What if he neglect the care of his health or of his estate, which
things are nearlier related to the government of the magistrate than the other?
Will the magistrate provide by an express law that such a one shall not become
poor or sick? Laws provide, as much as is possible, that the goods and health
of subjects be not injured by the fraud and violence of others; they do not
guard them from the negligence or ill-husbandry of the possessors themselves.
No man can be forced to be rich or healthful whether he will or no. Nay, God
Himself will not save men against their wills. Let us suppose, however, that
some prince were desirous to force his subjects to accumulate riches, or to
preserve the health and strength of their bodies. Shall it be provided by law
that they must consult none but Roman physicians, and shall everyone be bound
to live according to their prescriptions? What, shall no potion, no broth, be
taken, but what is prepared either in the Vatican, suppose, or in a Geneva
shop? Or, to make these subjects rich, shall they all be obliged by law to
become merchants or musicians? Or, shall everyone turn victualler, or smith,
because there are some that maintain their families plentifully and grow rich
in those professions? But, it may be said, there are a thousand ways to wealth,
but one only way to heaven. It is well said, indeed, especially by those that
plead for compelling men into this or the other way. For if there were several
ways that led thither, there would not be so much as a pretence left for
compulsion. But now, if I be marching on with my utmost vigour in that way
which, according to the sacred geography, leads straight to Jerusalem, why am I
beaten and ill-used by others because, perhaps, I wear not buskins; because my
hair is not of the right cut; because, perhaps, I have not been dipped in the
right fashion; because I eat flesh upon the road, or some other food which
agrees with my stomach; because I avoid certain by-ways, which seem unto me to
lead into briars or precipices; because, amongst the several paths that are in
the same road, I choose that to walk in which seems to be the straightest and
cleanest; because I avoid to keep company with some travellers that are less
grave and others that are more sour than they ought to be; or, in fine, because
I follow a guide that either is, or is not, clothed in white, or crowned with a
mitre? Certainly, if we consider right, we shall find that, for the most part,
they are such frivolous things as these that (without any prejudice to religion
or the salvation of souls, if not accompanied with superstition or hypocrisy)
might either be observed or omitted. I say they are such-like things as these
which breed implacable enmities amongst Christian brethren, who are all agreed
in the substantial and truly fundamental part of religion.


But let us grant unto these zealots, who condemn all things that are not of
their mode, that from these circumstances are different ends. What shall we
conclude from thence? There is only one of these which is the true way to
eternal happiness: but in this great variety of ways that men follow, it is
still doubted which is the right one. Now, neither the care of the
commonwealth, nor the right enacting of laws, does discover this way that leads
to heaven more certainly to the magistrate than every private man's search and
study discovers it unto himself. I have a weak body, sunk under a languishing
disease, for which (I suppose) there is one only remedy, but that unknown. Does
it therefore belong unto the magistrate to prescribe me a remedy, because there
is but one, and because it is unknown? Because there is but one way for me to
escape death, will it therefore be safe for me to do whatsoever the magistrate
ordains? Those things that every man ought sincerely to inquire into himself,
and by meditation, study, search, and his own endeavours, attain the knowledge
of, cannot be looked upon as the peculiar possession of any sort of men.
Princes, indeed, are born superior unto other men in power, but in nature
equal. Neither the right nor the art of ruling does necessarily carry along
with it the certain knowledge of other things, and least of all of true
religion. For if it were so, how could it come to pass that the lords of the
earth should differ so vastly as they do in religious matters? But let us grant
that it is probable the way to eternal life may be better known by a prince
than by his subjects, or at least that in this incertitude of things the safest
and most commodious way for private persons is to follow his dictates. You will
say: "What then?" If he should bid you follow merchandise for your
livelihood, would you decline that course for fear it should not succeed? I
answer: I would turn merchant upon the prince's command, because, in case I
should have ill-success in trade, he is abundantly able to make up my loss some
other way. If it be true, as he pretends, that he desires I should thrive and
grow rich, he can set me up again when unsuccessful voyages have broken me. But
this is not the case in the things that regard the life to come; if there I
take a wrong course, if in that respect I am once undone, it is not in the
magistrate's power to repair my loss, to ease my suffering, nor to restore me
in any measure, much less entirely, to a good estate. What security can be
given for the Kingdom of Heaven?


Perhaps some will say that they do not suppose this infallible judgement,
that all men are bound to follow in the affairs of religion, to be in the civil
magistrate, but in the Church. What the Church has determined, that the civil
magistrate orders to be observed; and he provides by his authority that nobody
shall either act or believe in the business of religion otherwise than the
Church teaches. So that the judgement of those things is in the Church; the
magistrate himself yields obedience thereunto and requires the like obedience
from others. I answer: Who sees not how frequently the name of the Church,
which was venerable in time of the apostles, has been made use of to throw dust
in the people's eyes in the following ages? But, however, in the present case
it helps us not. The one only narrow way which leads to heaven is not better
known to the magistrate than to private persons, and therefore I cannot safely
take him for my guide, who may probably be as ignorant of the way as myself,
and who certainly is less concerned for my salvation than I myself am. Amongst
so many kings of the Jews, how many of them were there whom any Israelite, thus
blindly following, had not fallen into idolatry and thereby into destruction?
Yet, nevertheless, you bid me be of good courage and tell me that all is now
safe and secure, because the magistrate does not now enjoin the observance of
his own decrees in matters of religion, but only the decrees of the Church. Of
what Church, I beseech you? of that, certainly, which likes him best. As if he
that compels me by laws and penalties to enter into this or the other Church,
did not interpose his own judgement in the matter. What difference is there
whether he lead me himself, or deliver me over to be led by others? I depend
both ways upon his will, and it is he that determines both ways of my eternal
state. Would an Israelite that had worshipped Baal upon the command of his king
have been in any better condition because somebody had told him that the king
ordered nothing in religion upon his own head, nor commanded anything to be
done by his subjects in divine worship but what was approved by the counsel of
priests, and declared to be of divine right by the doctors of their Church? If
the religion of any Church become, therefore, true and saving, because the head
of that sect, the prelates and priests, and those of that tribe, do all of
them, with all their might, extol and praise it, what religion can ever be
accounted erroneous, false, and destructive? I am doubtful concerning the
doctrine of the Socinians, I am suspicious of the way of worship practised by
the Papists, or Lutherans; will it be ever a jot safer for me to join either
unto the one or the other of those Churches, upon the magistrate's command,
because he commands nothing in religion but by the authority and counsel of the
doctors of that Church?


But, to speak the truth, we must acknowledge that the Church (if a
convention of clergymen, making canons, must be called by that name) is for the
most part more apt to be influenced by the Court than the Court by the Church.
How the Church was under the vicissitude of orthodox and Arian emperors is very
well known. Or if those things be too remote, our modern English history
affords us fresh examples in the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and
Elizabeth, how easily and smoothly the clergy changed their decrees, their
articles of faith, their form of worship, everything according to the
inclination of those kings and queens. Yet were those kings and queens of such
different minds in point of religion, and enjoined thereupon such different
things, that no man in his wits (I had almost said none but an atheist) will
presume to say that any sincere and upright worshipper of God could, with a
safe conscience, obey their several decrees. To conclude, it is the same thing
whether a king that prescribes laws to another man's religion pretend to do it
by his own judgement, or by the ecclesiastical authority and advice of others.
The decisions of churchmen, whose differences and disputes are sufficiently
known, cannot be any sounder or safer than his; nor can all their suffrages
joined together add a new strength to the civil power. Though this also must be
taken notice of — that princes seldom have any regard to the suffrages of
ecclesiastics that are not favourers of their own faith and way of worship.


But, after all, the principal consideration, and which absolutely determines
this controversy, is this: Although the magistrate's opinion in religion be
sound, and the way that he appoints be truly Evangelical, yet, if I be not
thoroughly persuaded thereof in my own mind, there will be no safety for me in
following it. No way whatsoever that I shall walk in against the dictates of my
conscience will ever bring me to the mansions of the blessed. I may grow rich
by an art that I take not delight in; I may be cured of some disease by
remedies that I have not faith in; but I cannot be saved by a religion that I
distrust and by a worship that I abhor. It is in vain for an unbeliever to take
up the outward show of another man's profession. Faith only and inward
sincerity are the things that procure acceptance with God. The most likely and
most approved remedy can have no effect upon the patient, if his stomach reject
it as soon as taken; and you will in vain cram a medicine down a sick man's
throat, which his particular constitution will be sure to turn into poison. In
a word, whatsoever may be doubtful in religion, yet this at least is certain,
that no religion which I believe not to be true can be either true or
profitable unto me. In vain, therefore, do princes compel their subjects to
come into their Church communion, under pretence of saving their souls. If they
believe, they will come of their own accord, if they believe not, their coming
will nothing avail them. How great soever, in fine, may be the pretence of
good-will and charity, and concern for the salvation of men's souls, men cannot
be forced to be saved whether they will or no. And therefore, when all is done,
they must be left to their own consciences.



Having thus at length freed men from all dominion over one another in
matters of religion, let us now consider what they are to do. All men know and
acknowledge that God ought to be publicly worshipped; why otherwise do they
compel one another unto the public assemblies? Men, therefore, constituted in
this liberty are to enter into some religious society, that they meet together,
not only for mutual edification, but to own to the world that they worship God
and offer unto His Divine Majesty such service as they themselves are not
ashamed of and such as they think not unworthy of Him, nor unacceptable to Him;
and, finally, that by the purity of doctrine, holiness of life, and decent form
of worship, they may draw others unto the love of the true religion, and
perform such other things in religion as cannot be done by each private man
apart.


These religious societies I call Churches; and these, I say, the magistrate
ought to tolerate, for the business of these assemblies of the people is
nothing but what is lawful for every man in particular to take care of — I
mean the salvation of their souls; nor in this case is there any difference
between the National Church and other separated congregations.


But as in every Church there are two things especially to be considered
— the outward form and rites of worship, and the doctrines and articles of
things must be handled each distinctly that so the whole matter of toleration
may the more clearly be understood.


Concerning outward worship, I say, in the first place, that the magistrate
has no power to enforce by law, either in his own Church, or much less in
another, the use of any rites or ceremonies whatsoever in the worship of God.
And this, not only because these Churches are free societies, but because
whatsoever is practised in the worship of God is only so far justifiable as it
is believed by those that practise it to be acceptable unto Him. Whatsoever is
not done with that assurance of faith is neither well in itself, nor can it be
acceptable to God. To impose such things, therefore, upon any people, contrary
to their own judgment, is in effect to command them to offend God, which,
considering that the end of all religion is to please Him, and that liberty is
essentially necessary to that end, appears to be absurd beyond expression.


But perhaps it may be concluded from hence that I deny unto the magistrate
all manner of power about indifferent things, which, if it be not granted, the
whole subject-matter of law-making is taken away. No, I readily grant that
indifferent things, and perhaps none but such, are subjected to the legislative
power. But it does not therefore follow that the magistrate may ordain
whatsoever he pleases concerning anything that is indifferent. The public good
is the rule and measure of all law-making. If a thing be not useful to the
commonwealth, though it be never so indifferent, it may not presently be
established by law.


And further, things never so indifferent in their own nature, when they are
brought into the Church and worship of God, are removed out of the reach of the
magistrate's jurisdiction, because in that use they have no connection at all
with civil affairs. The only business of the Church is the salvation of souls,
and it no way concerns the commonwealth, or any member of it, that this or the
other ceremony be there made use of. Neither the use nor the omission of any
ceremonies in those religious assemblies does either advantage or prejudice the
life, liberty, or estate of any man. For example, let it be granted that the
washing of an infant with water is in itself an indifferent thing, let it be
granted also that the magistrate understand such washing to be profitable to
the curing or preventing of any disease the children are subject unto, and
esteem the matter weighty enough to be taken care of by a law. In that case he
may order it to be done. But will any one therefore say that a magistrate has
the same right to ordain by law that all children shall be baptised by priests
in the sacred font in order to the purification of their souls? The extreme
difference of these two cases is visible to every one at first sight. Or let us
apply the last case to the child of a Jew, and the thing speaks itself. For
what hinders but a Christian magistrate may have subjects that are Jews? Now,
if we acknowledge that such an injury may not be done unto a Jew as to compel
him, against his own opinion, to practise in his religion a thing that is in
its nature indifferent, how can we maintain that anything of this kind may be
done to a Christian?


Again, things in their own nature indifferent cannot, by any human
authority, be made any part of the worship of God — for this very reason:
because they are indifferent. For, since indifferent things are not capable, by
any virtue of their own, to propitiate the Deity, no human power or authority
can confer on them so much dignity and excellency as to enable them to do it.
In the common affairs of life that use of indifferent things which God has not
forbidden is free and lawful, and therefore in those things human authority has
place. But it is not so in matters of religion. Things indifferent are not
otherwise lawful in the worship of God than as they are instituted by God
Himself and as He, by some positive command, has ordained them to be made a
part of that worship which He will vouchsafe to accept at the hands of poor
sinful men. Nor, when an incensed Deity shall ask us, "Who has required
these, or such-like things at your hands?" will it be enough to answer Him
that the magistrate commanded them. If civil jurisdiction extend thus far, what
might not lawfully be introduced into religion? What hodgepodge of ceremonies,
what superstitious inventions, built upon the magistrate's authority, might not
(against conscience) be imposed upon the worshippers of God? For the greatest
part of these ceremonies and superstitions consists in the religious use of
such things as are in their own nature indifferent; nor are they sinful upon
any other account than because God is not the author of them. The sprinkling of
water and the use of bread and wine are both in their own nature and in the
ordinary occasions of life altogether indifferent. Will any man, therefore, say
that these things could have been introduced into religion and made a part of
divine worship if not by divine institution? If any human authority or civil
power could have done this, why might it not also enjoin the eating of fish and
drinking of ale in the holy banquet as a part of divine worship? Why not the
sprinkling of the blood of beasts in churches, and expiations by water or fire,
and abundance more of this kind? But these things, how indifferent soever they
be in common uses, when they come to be annexed unto divine worship, without
divine authority, they are as abominable to God as the sacrifice of a dog. And
why is a dog so abominable? What difference is there between a dog and a goat,
in respect of the divine nature, equally and infinitely distant from all
affinity with matter, unless it be that God required the use of one in His
worship and not of the other? We see, therefore, that indifferent things, how
much soever they be under the power of the civil magistrate, yet cannot, upon
that pretence, be introduced into religion and imposed upon religious
assemblies, because, in the worship of God, they wholly cease to be
indifferent. He that worships God does it with design to please Him and procure
His favour. But that cannot be done by him who, upon the command of another,
offers unto God that which he knows will be displeasing to Him, because not
commanded by Himself. This is not to please God, or appease his wrath, but
willingly and knowingly to provoke Him by a manifest contempt, which is a thing
absolutely repugnant to the nature and end of worship.



But it will be here asked: "If nothing belonging to divine worship be
left to human discretion, how is it then that Churches themselves have the
power of ordering anything about the time and place of worship and the
like?" To this I answer that in religious worship we must distinguish
between what is part of the worship itself and what is but a circumstance. That
is a part of the worship which is believed to be appointed by God and to be
well-pleasing to Him, and therefore that is necessary. Circumstances are such
things which, though in general they cannot be separated from worship, yet the
particular instances or modifications of them are not determined, and therefore
they are indifferent. Of this sort are the time and place of worship, habit and
posture of him that worships. These are circumstances, and perfectly
indifferent, where God has not given any express command about them. For
example: amongst the Jews the time and place of their worship and the habits of
those that officiated in it were not mere circumstances, but a part of the
worship itself, in which, if anything were defective, or different from the
institution, they could not hope that it would be accepted by God. But these,
to Christians under the liberty of the Gospel, are mere circumstances of
worship, which the prudence of every Church may bring into such use as shall be
judged most subservient to the end of order, decency, and edification. But,
even under the Gospel, those who believe the first or the seventh day to be set
apart by God, and consecrated still to His worship, to them that portion of
time is not a simple circumstance, but a real part of Divine worship, which can
neither be changed nor neglected.


In the next place: As the magistrate has no power to impose by his laws the
use of any rites and ceremonies in any Church, so neither has he any power to
forbid the use of such rites and ceremonies as are already received, approved,
and practised by any Church; because, if he did so, he would destroy the Church
itself: the end of whose institution is only to worship God with freedom after
its own manner.


You will say, by this rule, if some congregations should have a mind to
sacrifice infants, or (as the primitive Christians were falsely accused)
lustfully pollute themselves in promiscuous uncleanness, or practise any other
such heinous enormities, is the magistrate obliged to tolerate them, because
they are committed in a religious assembly? I answer: No. These things are not
lawful in the ordinary course of life, nor in any private house; and therefore
neither are they so in the worship of God, or in any religious meeting. But,
indeed, if any people congregated upon account of religion should be desirous
to sacrifice a calf, I deny that that ought to be prohibited by a law.
Meliboeus, whose calf it is, may lawfully kill his calf at home, and burn any
part of it that he thinks fit. For no injury is thereby done to any one, no
prejudice to another man's goods. And for the same reason he may kill his calf
also in a religious meeting. Whether the doing so be well-pleasing to God or
no, it is their part to consider that do it. The part of the magistrate is only
to take care that the commonwealth receive no prejudice, and that there be no
injury done to any man, either in life or estate. And thus what may be spent on
a feast may be spent on a sacrifice. But if peradventure such were the state of
things that the interest of the commonwealth required all slaughter of beasts
should be forborne for some while, in order to the increasing of the stock of
cattle that had been destroyed by some extraordinary murrain, who sees not that
the magistrate, in such a case, may forbid all his subjects to kill any calves
for any use whatsoever? Only it is to be observed that, in this case, the law
is not made about a religious, but a political matter; nor is the sacrifice,
but the slaughter of calves, thereby prohibited.


By this we see what difference there is between the Church and the
Commonwealth. Whatsoever is lawful in the Commonwealth cannot be prohibited by
the magistrate in the Church. Whatsoever is permitted unto any of his subjects
for their ordinary use, neither can nor ought to be forbidden by him to any
sect of people for their religious uses. If any man may lawfully take bread or
wine, either sitting or kneeling in his own house, the law ought not to abridge
him of the same liberty in his religious worship; though in the Church the use
of bread and wine be very different and be there applied to the mysteries of
faith and rites of Divine worship. But those things that are prejudicial to the
commonweal of a people in their ordinary use and are, therefore, forbidden by
laws, those things ought not to be permitted to Churches in their sacred rites.
Only the magistrate ought always to be very careful that he do not misuse his
authority to the oppression of any Church, under pretence of public good.


It may be said: "What if a Church be idolatrous, is that also to be
tolerated by the magistrate?" I answer: What power can be given to the
magistrate for the suppression of an idolatrous Church, which may not in time
and place be made use of to the ruin of an orthodox one? For it must be
remembered that the civil power is the same everywhere, and the religion of
every prince is orthodox to himself. If, therefore, such a power be granted
unto the civil magistrate in spirituals as that at Geneva, for example, he may
extirpate, by violence and blood, the religion which is there reputed
idolatrous, by the same rule another magistrate, in some neighbouring country,
may oppress the reformed religion and, in India, the Christian. The civil power
can either change everything in religion, according to the prince's pleasure,
or it can change nothing. If it be once permitted to introduce anything into
religion by the means of laws and penalties, there can be no bounds put to it;
but it will in the same manner be lawful to alter everything, according to that
rule of truth which the magistrate has framed unto himself. No man whatsoever
ought, therefore, to be deprived of his terrestrial enjoyments upon account of
his religion. Not even Americans, subjected unto a Christian prince, are to be
punished either in body or goods for not embracing our faith and worship. If
they are persuaded that they please God in observing the rites of their own
country and that they shall obtain happiness by that means, they are to be left
unto God and themselves. Let us trace this matter to the bottom. Thus it is: An
inconsiderable and weak number of Christians, destitute of everything, arrive
in a Pagan country; these foreigners beseech the inhabitants, by the bowels of
humanity, that they would succour them with the necessaries of life; those
necessaries are given them, habitations are granted, and they all join
together, and grow up into one body of people. The Christian religion by this
means takes root in that country and spreads itself, but does not suddenly grow
the strongest. While things are in this condition peace, friendship, faith, and
equal justice are preserved amongst them. At length the magistrate becomes a
Christian, and by that means their party becomes the most powerful. Then
immediately all compacts are to be broken, all civil rights to be violated,
that idolatry may be extirpated; and unless these innocent Pagans, strict
observers of the rules of equity and the law of Nature and no ways offending
against the laws of the society, I say, unless they will forsake their ancient
religion and embrace a new and strange one, they are to be turned out of the
lands and possessions of their forefathers and perhaps deprived of life itself.
Then, at last, it appears what zeal for the Church, joined with the desire of
dominion, is capable to produce, and how easily the pretence of religion, and
of the care of souls, serves for a cloak to covetousness, rapine, and ambition.



Now whosoever maintains that idolatry is to be rooted out of any place by
laws, punishments, fire, and sword, may apply this story to himself. For the
reason of the thing is equal, both in America and Europe. And neither Pagans
there, nor any dissenting Christians here, can, with any right, be deprived of
their worldly goods by the predominating faction of a court-church; nor are any
civil rights to be either changed or violated upon account of religion in one
place more than another.


But idolatry, say some, is a sin and therefore not to be tolerated. If they
said it were therefore to be avoided, the inference were good. But it does not
follow that because it is a sin it ought therefore to be punished by the
magistrate. For it does not belong unto the magistrate to make use of his sword
in punishing everything, indifferently, that he takes to be a sin against God.
Covetousness, uncharitableness, idleness, and many other things are sins by the
consent of men, which yet no man ever said were to be punished by the
magistrate. The reason is because they are not prejudicial to other men's
rights, nor do they break the public peace of societies. Nay, even the sins of
lying and perjury are nowhere punishable by laws; unless, in certain cases, in
which the real turpitude of the thing and the offence against God are not
considered, but only the injury done unto men's neighbours and to the
commonwealth. And what if in another country, to a Mahometan or a Pagan prince,
the Christian religion seem false and offensive to God; may not the Christians
for the same reason, and after the same manner, be extirpated there?


But it may be urged farther that, by the law of Moses, idolaters were to be
rooted out. True, indeed, by the law of Moses; but that is not obligatory to us
Christians. Nobody pretends that everything generally enjoined by the law of
Moses ought to be practised by Christians; but there is nothing more frivolous
than that common distinction of moral, judicial, and ceremonial law, which men
ordinarily make use of. For no positive law whatsoever can oblige any people
but those to whom it is given. "Hear, O Israel," sufficiently
restrains the obligations of the law of Moses only to that people. And this
consideration alone is answer enough unto those that urge the authority of the
law of Moses for the inflicting of capital punishment upon idolaters. But,
however, I will examine this argument a little more particularly.



The case of idolaters, in respect of the Jewish commonwealth, falls under a
double consideration. The first is of those who, being initiated in the
Mosaical rites, and made citizens of that commonwealth, did afterwards
apostatise from the worship of the God of Israel. These were proceeded against
as traitors and rebels, guilty of no less than high treason. For the
commonwealth of the Jews, different in that from all others, was an absolute
theocracy; nor was there, or could there be, any difference between that
commonwealth and the Church. The laws established there concerning the worship
of One Invisible Deity were the civil laws of that people and a part of their
political government, in which God Himself was the legislator. Now, if any one
can shew me where there is a commonwealth at this time, constituted upon that
foundation, I will acknowledge that the ecclesiastical laws do there
unavoidably become a part of the civil, and that the subjects of that
government both may and ought to be kept in strict conformity with that Church
by the civil power. But there is absolutely no such thing under the Gospel as a
Christian commonwealth. There are, indeed, many cities and kingdoms that have
embraced the faith of Christ, but they have retained their ancient form of
government, with which the law of Christ hath not at all meddled. He, indeed,
hath taught men how, by faith and good works, they may obtain eternal life; but
He instituted no commonwealth. He prescribed unto His followers no new and
peculiar form of government, nor put He the sword into any magistrate's hand,
with commission to make use of it in forcing men to forsake their former
religion and receive His.


Secondly, foreigners and such as were strangers to the commonwealth of
Israel were not compelled by force to observe the rites of the Mosaical law;
but, on the contrary, in the very same place where it is ordered that an
Israelite that was an idolater should be put to death,[7] there it is provided that strangers should not be
vexed nor oppressed. I confess that the seven nations that possessed the land
which was promised to the Israelites were utterly to be cut off; but this was
not singly because they were idolaters. For if that had been the reason, why
were the Moabites and other nations to be spared? No: the reason is this. God
being in a peculiar manner the King of the Jews, He could not suffer the
adoration of any other deity (which was properly an act of high treason against
Himself) in the land of Canaan, which was His kingdom. For such a manifest
revolt could no ways consist with His dominion, which was perfectly political
in that country. All idolatry was, therefore, to be rooted out of the bounds of
His kingdom because it was an acknowledgment of another god, that is say,
another king, against the laws of Empire. The inhabitants were also to be
driven out, that the entire possession of the land might be given to the
Israelites. And for the like reason the Emims and the Horims were driven out of
their countries by the children of Esau and Lot; and their lands, upon the same
grounds, given by God to the invaders.[8] But,
though all idolatry was thus rooted out of the land of Canaan, yet every
idolater was not brought to execution. The whole family of Rahab, the whole
nation of the Gibeonites, articled with Joshua, and were allowed by treaty; and
there were many captives amongst the Jews who were idolaters. David and Solomon
subdued many countries without the confines of the Land of Promise and carried
their conquests as far as Euphrates. Amongst so many captives taken, so many
nations reduced under their obedience, we find not one man forced into the
Jewish religion and the worship of the true God and punished for idolatry,
though all of them were certainly guilty of it. If any one, indeed, becoming a
proselyte, desired to be made a denizen of their commonwealth, he was obliged
to submit to their laws; that is, to embrace their religion. But this he did
willingly, on his own accord, not by constraint. He did not unwillingly submit,
to show his obedience, but he sought and solicited for it as a privilege. And,
as soon as he was admitted, he became subject to the laws of the commonwealth,
by which all idolatry was forbidden within the borders of the land of Canaan.
But that law (as I have said) did not reach to any of those regions, however
subjected unto the Jews, that were situated without those bounds.


Thus far concerning outward worship. Let us now consider articles of faith. 



The articles of religion are some of them practical and some speculative.
Now, though both sorts consist in the knowledge of truth, yet these terminate
simply in the understanding, those influence the will and manners. Speculative
opinions, therefore, and articles of faith (as they are called) which are
required only to be believed, cannot be imposed on any Church by the law of the
land. For it is absurd that things should be enjoined by laws which are not in
men's power to perform. And to believe this or that to be true does not depend
upon our will. But of this enough has been said already. "But." will
some say; "let men at least profess that they believe." A sweet
religion, indeed, that obliges men to dissemble and tell lies, both to God and
man, for the salvation of their souls! If the magistrate thinks to save men
thus, he seems to understand little of the way of salvation. And if he does it
not in order to save them, why is he so solicitous about the articles of faith
as to enact them by a law?


Further, the magistrate ought not to forbid the preaching or professing of
any speculative opinions in any Church because they have no manner of relation
to the civil rights of the subjects. If a Roman Catholic believe that to be
really the body of Christ which another man calls bread, he does no injury
thereby to his neighbour. If a Jew do not believe the New Testament to be the
Word of God, he does not thereby alter anything in men's civil rights. If a
heathen doubt of both Testaments, he is not therefore to be punished as a
pernicious citizen. The power of the magistrate and the estates of the people
may be equally secure whether any man believe these things or no. I readily
grant that these opinions are false and absurd. But the business of laws is not
to provide for the truth of opinions, but for the safety and security of the
commonwealth and of every particular man's goods and person. And so it ought to
be. For the truth certainly would do well enough if she were once left to shift
for herself. She seldom has received and, I fear, never will receive much
assistance from the power of great men, to whom she is but rarely known and
more rarely welcome. She is not taught by laws, nor has she any need of force
to procure her entrance into the minds of men. Errors, indeed, prevail by the
assistance of foreign and borrowed succours. But if Truth makes not her way
into the understanding by her own light, she will be but the weaker for any
borrowed force violence can add to her. Thus much for speculative opinions. Let
us now proceed to practical ones.


A good life, in which consist not the least part of religion and true piety,
concerns also the civil government; and in it lies the safety both of men's
souls and of the commonwealth. Moral actions belong, therefore, to the
jurisdiction both of the outward and inward court; both of the civil and
domestic governor; I mean both of the magistrate and conscience. Here,
therefore, is great danger, lest one of these jurisdictions intrench upon the
other, and discord arise between the keeper of the public peace and the
overseers of souls. But if what has been already said concerning the limits of
both these governments be rightly considered, it will easily remove all
difficulty in this matter.



Every man has an immortal soul, capable of eternal happiness or misery;
whose happiness depending upon his believing and doing those things in this
life which are necessary to the obtaining of God's favour, and are prescribed
by God to that end. It follows from thence, first, that the observance of these
things is the highest obligation that lies upon mankind and that our utmost
care, application, and diligence ought to be exercised in the search and
performance of them; because there is nothing in this world that is of any
consideration in comparison with eternity. Secondly, that seeing one man does
not violate the right of another by his erroneous opinions and undue manner of
worship, nor is his perdition any prejudice to another man's affairs,
therefore, the care of each man's salvation belongs only to himself. But I
would not have this understood as if I meant hereby to condemn all charitable
admonitions and affectionate endeavours to reduce men from errors, which are
indeed the greatest duty of a Christian. Any one may employ as many
exhortations and arguments as he pleases, towards the promoting of another
man's salvation. But all force and compulsion are to be forborne. Nothing is to
be done imperiously. Nobody is obliged in that matter to yield obedience unto
the admonitions or injunctions of another, further than he himself is
persuaded. Every man in that has the supreme and absolute authority of judging
for himself. And the reason is because nobody else is concerned in it, nor can
receive any prejudice from his conduct therein.


But besides their souls, which are immortal, men have also their temporal
lives here upon earth; the state whereof being frail and fleeting, and the
duration uncertain, they have need of several outward conveniences to the
support thereof, which are to be procured or preserved by pains and industry.
For those things that are necessary to the comfortable support of our lives are
not the spontaneous products of nature, nor do offer themselves fit and
prepared for our use. This part, therefore, draws on another care and
necessarily gives another employment. But the pravity of mankind being such
that they had rather injuriously prey upon the fruits of other men's labours
than take pains to provide for themselves, the necessity of preserving men in
the possession of what honest industry has already acquired and also of
preserving their liberty and strength, whereby they may acquire what they
farther want, obliges men to enter into society with one another, that by
mutual assistance and joint force they may secure unto each other their
properties, in the things that contribute to the comfort and happiness of this
life, leaving in the meanwhile to every man the care of his own eternal
happiness, the attainment whereof can neither be facilitated by another man's
industry, nor can the loss of it turn to another man's prejudice, nor the hope
of it be forced from him by any external violence. But, forasmuch as men thus
entering into societies, grounded upon their mutual compacts of assistance for
the defence of their temporal goods, may, nevertheless, be deprived of them,
either by the rapine and fraud of their fellow citizens, or by the hostile
violence of foreigners, the remedy of this evil consists in arms, riches, and
multitude of citizens; the remedy of the other in laws; and the care of all
things relating both to one and the other is committed by the society to the
civil magistrate. This is the original, this is the use, and these are the
bounds of the legislative (which is the supreme) power in every commonwealth. I
mean that provision may be made for the security of each man's private
possessions; for the peace, riches, and public commodities of the whole people;
and, as much as possible, for the increase of their inward strength against
foreign invasions.


These things being thus explained, it is easy to understand to what end the
legislative power ought to be directed and by what measures regulated; and that
is the temporal good and outward prosperity of the society; which is the sole
reason of men's entering into society, and the only thing they seek and aim at
in it. And it is also evident what liberty remains to men in reference to their
eternal salvation, and that is that every one should do what he in his
conscience is persuaded to be acceptable to the Almighty, on whose good
pleasure and acceptance depends their eternal happiness. For obedience is due,
in the first place, to God and, afterwards to the laws.


But some may ask: "What if the magistrate should enjoin anything by his
authority that appears unlawful to the conscience of a private person?" I
answer that, if government be faithfully administered and the counsels of the
magistrates be indeed directed to the public good, this will seldom happen. But
if, perhaps, it do so fall out, I say, that such a private person is to abstain
from the action that he judges unlawful, and he is to undergo the punishment
which it is not unlawful for him to bear. For the private judgement of any
person concerning a law enacted in political matters, for the public good, does
not take away the obligation of that law, nor deserve a dispensation. But if
the law, indeed, be concerning things that lie not within the verge of the
magistrate's authority (as, for example, that the people, or any party amongst
them, should be compelled to embrace a strange religion, and join in the
worship and ceremonies of another Church), men are not in these cases obliged
by that law, against their consciences. For the political society is instituted
for no other end, but only to secure every man's possession of the things of
this life. The care of each man's soul and of the things of heaven, which
neither does belong to the commonwealth nor can be subjected to it, is left
entirely to every man's self. Thus the safeguard of men's lives and of the
things that belong unto this life is the business of the commonwealth; and the
preserving of those things unto their owners is the duty of the magistrate. And
therefore the magistrate cannot take away these worldly things from this man or
party and give them to that; nor change propriety amongst fellow subjects (no
not even by a law), for a cause that has no relation to the end of civil
government, I mean for their religion, which whether it be true or false does
no prejudice to the worldly concerns of their fellow subjects, which are the
things that only belong unto the care of the commonwealth.


But what if the magistrate believe such a law as this to be for the public
good? I answer: As the private judgement of any particular person, if
erroneous, does not exempt him from the obligation of law, so the private
judgement (as I may call it) of the magistrate does not give him any new right
of imposing laws upon his subjects, which neither was in the constitution of
the government granted him, nor ever was in the power of the people to grant,
much less if he make it his business to enrich and advance his followers and
fellow-sectaries with the spoils of others. But what if the magistrate believe
that he has a right to make such laws and that they are for the public good,
and his subjects believe the contrary? Who shall be judge between them? I
answer: God alone. For there is no judge upon earth between the supreme
magistrate and the people. God, I say, is the only judge in this case, who will
retribute unto every one at the last day according to his deserts; that is,
according to his sincerity and uprightness in endeavouring to promote piety,
and the public weal, and peace of mankind. But What shall be done in the
meanwhile? I answer: The principal and chief care of every one ought to be of
his own soul first, and, in the next place, of the public peace; though yet
there are very few will think it is peace there, where they see all laid waste.



There are two sorts of contests amongst men, the one managed by law, the
other by force; and these are of that nature that where the one ends, the other
always begins. But it is not my business to inquire into the power of the
magistrate in the different constitutions of nations. I only know what usually
happens where controversies arise without a judge to determine them. You will
say, then, the magistrate being the stronger will have his will and carry his
point. Without doubt; but the question is not here concerning the doubtfulness
of the event, but the rule of right.


But to come to particulars. I say, first, no opinions contrary to human
society, or to those moral rules which are necessary to the preservation of
civil society, are to be tolerated by the magistrate. But of these, indeed,
examples in any Church are rare. For no sect can easily arrive to such a degree
of madness as that it should think fit to teach, for doctrines of religion,
such things as manifestly undermine the foundations of society and are,
therefore, condemned by the judgement of all mankind; because their own
interest, peace, reputation, everything would be thereby endangered.


Another more secret evil, but more dangerous to the commonwealth, is when
men arrogate to themselves, and to those of their own sect, some peculiar
prerogative covered over with a specious show of deceitful words, but in effect
opposite to the civil right of the community. For example: we cannot find any
sect that teaches, expressly and openly, that men are not obliged to keep their
promise; that princes may be dethroned by those that differ from them in
religion; or that the dominion of all things belongs only to themselves. For
these things, proposed thus nakedly and plainly, would soon draw on them the
eye and hand of the magistrate and awaken all the care of the commonwealth to a
watchfulness against the spreading of so dangerous an evil. But, nevertheless,
we find those that say the same things in other words. What else do they mean
who teach that faith is not to be kept with heretics? Their meaning, forsooth,
is that the privilege of breaking faith belongs unto themselves; for they
declare all that are not of their communion to be heretics, or at least may
declare them so whensoever they think fit. What can be the meaning of their
asserting that kings excommunicated forfeit their crowns and kingdoms? It is
evident that they thereby arrogate unto themselves the power of deposing kings,
because they challenge the power of excommunication, as the peculiar right of
their hierarchy. That dominion is founded in grace is also an assertion by
which those that maintain it do plainly lay claim to the possession of all
things. For they are not so wanting to themselves as not to believe, or at
least as not to profess themselves to be the truly pious and faithful. These,
therefore, and the like, who attribute unto the faithful, religious, and
orthodox, that is, in plain terms, unto themselves, any peculiar privilege or
power above other mortals, in civil concernments; or who upon pretence of
religion do challenge any manner of authority over such as are not associated
with them in their ecclesiastical communion, I say these have no right to be
tolerated by the magistrate; as neither those that will not own and teach the
duty of tolerating all men in matters of mere religion. For what do all these
and the like doctrines signify, but that they may and are ready upon any
occasion to seize the Government and possess themselves of the estates and
fortunes of their fellow subjects; and that they only ask leave to be tolerated
by the magistrate so long until they find themselves strong enough to effect
it?


Again: That Church can have no right to be tolerated by the magistrate which
is constituted upon such a bottom that all those who enter into it do thereby
ipso facto deliver themselves up to the protection and service of another
prince. For by this means the magistrate would give way to the settling of a
foreign jurisdiction in his own country and suffer his own people to be listed,
as it were, for soldiers against his own Government. Nor does the frivolous and
fallacious distinction between the Court and the Church afford any remedy to
this inconvenience; especially when both the one and the other are equally
subject to the absolute authority of the same person, who has not only power to
persuade the members of his Church to whatsoever he lists, either as purely
religious, or in order thereunto, but can also enjoin it them on pain of
eternal fire. It is ridiculous for any one to profess himself to be a Mahometan
only in his religion, but in everything else a faithful subject to a Christian
magistrate, whilst at the same time he acknowledges himself bound to yield
blind obedience to the Mufti of Constantinople, who himself is entirely
obedient to the Ottoman Emperor and frames the feigned oracles of that religion
according to his pleasure. But this Mahometan living amongst Christians would
yet more apparently renounce their government if he acknowledged the same
person to be head of his Church who is the supreme magistrate in the state.



Lastly, those are not at all to be tolerated who deny the being of a God.
Promises, covenants, and oaths, which are the bonds of human society, can have
no hold upon an atheist. The taking away of God, though but even in thought,
dissolves all; besides also, those that by their atheism undermine and destroy
all religion, can have no pretence of religion whereupon to challenge the
privilege of a toleration. As for other practical opinions, though not
absolutely free from all error, if they do not tend to establish domination
over others, or civil impunity to the Church in which they are taught, there
can be no reason why they should not be tolerated.


It remains that I say something concerning those assemblies which, being
vulgarly called and perhaps having sometimes been conventicles and nurseries of
factions and seditions, are thought to afford against this doctrine of
toleration. But this has not happened by anything peculiar unto the genius of
such assemblies, but by the unhappy circumstances of an oppressed or
ill-settled liberty. These accusations would soon cease if the law of
toleration were once so settled that all Churches were obliged to lay down
toleration as the foundation of their own liberty, and teach that liberty of
conscience is every man's natural right, equally belonging to dissenters as to
themselves; and that nobody ought to be compelled in matters of religion either
by law or force. The establishment of this one thing would take away all ground
of complaints and tumults upon account of conscience; and these causes of
discontents and animosities being once removed, there would remain nothing in
these assemblies that were not more peaceable and less apt to produce
disturbance of state than in any other meetings whatsoever. But let us examine
particularly the heads of these accusations.


You will say that assemblies and meetings endanger the public peace and
threaten the commonwealth. I answer: If this be so, why are there daily such
numerous meetings in markets and Courts of Judicature? Why are crowds upon the
Exchange and a concourse of people in cities suffered? You will reply:
"Those are civil assemblies, but these we object against are
ecclesiastical." I answer: It is a likely thing, indeed, that such
assemblies as are altogether remote from civil affairs should be most apt to
embroil them. Oh, but civil assemblies are composed of men that differ from one
another in matters of religion, but these ecclesiastical meetings are of
persons that are all of one opinion. As if an agreement in matters of religion
were in effect a conspiracy against the commonwealth; or as if men would not be
so much the more warmly unanimous in religion the less liberty they had of
assembling. But it will be urged still that civil assemblies are open and free
for any one to enter into, whereas religious conventicles are more private and
thereby give opportunity to clandestine machinations. I answer that this is not
strictly true, for many civil assemblies are not open to everyone. And if some
religious meetings be private, who are they (I beseech you) that are to be
blamed for it, those that desire, or those that forbid their being public!
Again, you will say that religious communion does exceedingly unite men's minds
and affections to one another and is therefore the more dangerous. But if this
be so, why is not the magistrate afraid of his own Church; and why does he not
forbid their assemblies as things dangerous to his Government? You will say
because he himself is a part and even the head of them. As if he were not also
a part of the commonwealth, and the head of the whole people!


Let us therefore deal plainly. The magistrate is afraid of other Churches,
but not of his own, because he is kind and favourable to the one, but severe
and cruel to the other. These he treats like children, and indulges them even
to wantonness. Those he uses as slaves and, how blamelessly soever they demean
themselves, recompenses them no otherwise than by galleys, prisons,
confiscations, and death. These he cherishes and defends; those he continually
scourges and oppresses. Let him turn the tables. Or let those dissenters enjoy
but the same privileges in civils as his other subjects, and he will quickly
find that these religious meetings will be no longer dangerous. For if men
enter into seditious conspiracies, it is not religion inspires them to it in
their meetings, but their sufferings and oppressions that make them willing to
ease themselves. Just and moderate governments are everywhere quiet, everywhere
safe; but oppression raises ferments and makes men struggle to cast off an
uneasy and tyrannical yoke. I know that seditions are very frequently raised
upon pretence of religion, but it is as true that for religion subjects are
frequently ill treated and live miserably. Believe me, the stirs that are made
proceed not from any peculiar temper of this or that Church or religious
society, but from the common disposition of all mankind, who when they groan
under any heavy burthen endeavour naturally to shake off the yoke that galls
their necks. Suppose this business of religion were let alone, and that there
were some other distinction made between men and men upon account of their
different complexions, shapes, and features, so that those who have black hair
(for example) or grey eyes should not enjoy the same privileges as other
citizens; that they should not be permitted either to buy or sell, or live by
their callings; that parents should not have the government and education of
their own children; that all should either be excluded from the benefit of the
laws, or meet with partial judges; can it be doubted but these persons, thus
distinguished from others by the colour of their hair and eyes, and united
together by one common persecution, would be as dangerous to the magistrate as
any others that had associated themselves merely upon the account of religion?
Some enter into company for trade and profit, others for want of business have
their clubs for claret. Neighbourhood joins some and religion others. But there
is only one thing which gathers people into seditious commotions, and that is
oppression.


You will say "What, will you have people to meet at divine service
against the magistrate's will?" I answer: Why, I pray, against his will?
Is it not both lawful and necessary that they should meet? Against his will, do
you say? That is what I complain of; that is the very root of all the mischief.
Why are assemblies less sufferable in a church than in a theatre or market?
Those that meet there are not either more vicious or more turbulent than those
that meet elsewhere. The business in that is that they are ill used, and
therefore they are not to be suffered. Take away the partiality that is used
towards them in matters of common right; change the laws, take away the
penalties unto which they are subjected, and all things will immediately become
safe and peaceable; nay, those that are averse to the religion of the
magistrate will think themselves so much the more bound to maintain the peace
of the commonwealth as their condition is better in that place than elsewhere;
and all the several separate congregations, like so many guardians of the
public peace, will watch one another, that nothing may be innovated or changed
in the form of the government, because they can hope for nothing better than
what they already enjoy — that is, an equal condition with their
fellow-subjects under a just and moderate government. Now if that Church which
agrees in religion with the prince be esteemed the chief support of any civil
government, and that for no other reason (as has already been shown) than
because the prince is kind and the laws are favourable to it, how much greater
will be the security of government where all good subjects, of whatsoever
Church they be, without any distinction upon account of religion, enjoying the
same favour of the prince and the same benefit of the laws, shall become the
common support and guard of it, and where none will have any occasion to fear
the severity of the laws but those that do injuries to their neighbours and
offend against the civil peace?


That we may draw towards a conclusion. The sum of all we drive at is that
every man may enjoy the same rights that are granted to others. Is it permitted
to worship God in the Roman manner? Let it be permitted to do it in the Geneva
form also. Is it permitted to speak Latin in the market-place? Let those that
have a mind to it be permitted to do it also in the Church. Is it lawful for
any man in his own house to kneel, stand, sit, or use any other posture; and to
clothe himself in white or black, in short or in long garments? Let it not be
made unlawful to eat bread, drink wine, or wash with water in the church. In a
word, whatsoever things are left free by law in the common occasions of life,
let them remain free unto every Church in divine worship. Let no man's life, or
body, or house, or estate, suffer any manner of prejudice upon these accounts.
Can you allow of the Presbyterian discipline? Why should not the Episcopal also
have what they like? Ecclesiastical authority, whether it be administered by
the hands of a single person or many, is everywhere the same; and neither has
any jurisdiction in things civil, nor any manner of power of compulsion, nor
anything at all to do with riches and revenues.


Ecclesiastical assemblies and sermons are justified by daily experience and
public allowance. These are allowed to people of some one persuasion; why not
to all? If anything pass in a religious meeting seditiously and contrary to the
public peace, it is to be punished in the same manner and no otherwise than as
if it had happened in a fair or market. These meetings ought not to be
sanctuaries for factious and flagitious fellows. Nor ought it to be less lawful
for men to meet in churches than in halls; nor are one part of the subjects to
be esteemed more blamable for their meeting together than others. Every one is
to be accountable for his own actions, and no man is to be laid under a
suspicion or odium for the fault of another. Those that are seditious,
murderers, thieves, robbers, adulterers, slanderers, etc., of whatsoever
Church, whether national or not, ought to be punished and suppressed. But those
whose doctrine is peaceable and whose manners are pure and blameless ought to
be upon equal terms with their fellow-subjects. Thus if solemn assemblies,
observations of festivals, public worship be permitted to any one sort of
professors, all these things ought to be permitted to the Presbyterians,
Independents, Anabaptists, Arminians, Quakers, and others, with the same
liberty. Nay, if we may openly speak the truth, and as becomes one man to
another, neither Pagan nor Mahometan, nor Jew, ought to be excluded from the
civil rights of the commonwealth because of his religion. The Gospel commands
no such thing. The Church which "judgeth not those that are
without"[9] wants it not. And the
commonwealth, which embraces indifferently all men that are honest, peaceable,
and industrious, requires it not. Shall we suffer a Pagan to deal and trade
with us, and shall we not suffer him to pray unto and worship God? If we allow
the Jews to have private houses and dwellings amongst us, why should we not
allow them to have synagogues? Is their doctrine more false, their worship more
abominable, or is the civil peace more endangered by their meeting in public
than in their private houses? But if these things may be granted to Jews and
Pagans, surely the condition of any Christians ought not to be worse than
theirs in a Christian commonwealth.



You will say, perhaps: "Yes, it ought to be; because they are more
inclinable to factions, tumults, and civil wars." I answer: Is this the
fault of the Christian religion? If it be so, truly the Christian religion is
the worst of all religions and ought neither to be embraced by any particular
person, nor tolerated by any commonwealth. For if this be the genius, this the
nature of the Christian religion, to be turbulent and destructive to the civil
peace, that Church itself which the magistrate indulges will not always be
innocent. But far be it from us to say any such thing of that religion which
carries the greatest opposition to covetousness, ambition, discord, contention,
and all manner of inordinate desires, and is the most modest and peaceable
religion that ever was. We must, therefore, seek another cause of those evils
that are charged upon religion. And, if we consider right, we shall find it to
consist wholly in the subject that I am treating of. It is not the diversity of
opinions (which cannot be avoided), but the refusal of toleration to those that
are of different opinions (which might have been granted), that has produced
all the bustles and wars that have been in the Christian world upon account of
religion. The heads and leaders of the Church, moved by avarice and insatiable
desire of dominion, making use of the immoderate ambition of magistrates and
the credulous superstition of the giddy multitude, have incensed and animated
them against those that dissent from themselves, by preaching unto them,
contrary to the laws of the Gospel and to the precepts of charity, that
schismatics and heretics are to be outed of their possessions and destroyed.
And thus have they mixed together and confounded two things that are in
themselves most different, the Church and the commonwealth. Now as it is very
difficult for men patiently to suffer themselves to be stripped of the goods
which they have got by their honest industry, and, contrary to all the laws of
equity, both human and divine, to be delivered up for a prey to other men's
violence and rapine; especially when they are otherwise altogether blameless;
and that the occasion for which they are thus treated does not at all belong to
the jurisdiction of the magistrate, but entirely to the conscience of every
particular man for the conduct of which he is accountable to God only; what
else can be expected but that these men, growing weary of the evils under which
they labour, should in the end think it lawful for them to resist force with
force, and to defend their natural rights (which are not forfeitable upon
account of religion) with arms as well as they can? That this has been hitherto
the ordinary course of things is abundantly evident in history, and that it
will continue to be so hereafter is but too apparent in reason. It cannot
indeed, be otherwise so long as the principle of persecution for religion shall
prevail, as it has done hitherto, with magistrate and people, and so long as
those that ought to be the preachers of peace and concord shall continue with
all their art and strength to excite men to arms and sound the trumpet of war.
But that magistrates should thus suffer these incendiaries and disturbers of
the public peace might justly be wondered at if it did not appear that they
have been invited by them unto a participation of the spoil, and have therefore
thought fit to make use of their covetousness and pride as means whereby to
increase their own power. For who does not see that these good men are, indeed,
more ministers of the government than ministers of the Gospel and that, by
flattering the ambition and favouring the dominion of princes and men in
authority, they endeavour with all their might to promote that tyranny in the
commonwealth which otherwise they should not be able to establish in the
Church? This is the unhappy agreement that we see between the Church and State.
Whereas if each of them would contain itself within its own bounds — the
one attending to the worldly welfare of the commonwealth, the other to the
salvation of souls — it is impossible that any discord should ever have
happened between them. Sed pudet hoec opprobria. etc. God Almighty grant, I
beseech Him, that the gospel of peace may at length be preached, and that civil
magistrates, growing more careful to conform their own consciences to the law
of God and less solicitous about the binding of other men's consciences by
human laws, may, like fathers of their country, direct all their counsels and
endeavours to promote universally the civil welfare of all their children,
except only of such as are arrogant, ungovernable, and injurious to their
brethren; and that all ecclesiastical men, who boast themselves to be the
successors of the Apostles, walking peaceably and modestly in the Apostles'
steps, without intermeddling with State Affairs, may apply themselves wholly to
promote the salvation of souls.


FAREWELL.


Perhaps it may not be amiss to add a few things
concerning heresy and schism. A Turk is not, nor can be, either heretic or
schismatic to a Christian; and if any man fall off from the Christian faith to
Mahometism, he does not thereby become a heretic or schismatic, but an apostate
and an infidel. This nobody doubts of; and by this it appears that men of
different religions cannot be heretics or schismatics to one another.


We are to inquire, therefore, what men are of the same religion. Concerning
which it is manifest that those who have one and the same rule of faith and
worship are of the same religion; and those who have not the same rule of faith
and worship are of different religions. For since all things that belong unto
that religion are contained in that rule, it follows necessarily that those who
agree in one rule are of one and the same religion, and vice versa. Thus Turks
and Christians are of different religions, because these take the Holy
Scriptures to be the rule of their religion, and those the Alcoran. And for the
same reason there may be different religions also even amongst Christians. The
Papists and Lutherans, though both of them profess faith in Christ and are
therefore called Christians, yet are not both of the same religion, because
these acknowledge nothing but the Holy Scriptures to be the rule and foundation
of their religion, those take in also traditions and the decrees of Popes and
of these together make the rule of their religion; and thus the Christians of
St. John (as they are called) and the Christians of Geneva are of different
religions, because these also take only the Scriptures, and those I know not
what traditions, for the rule of their religion.


This being settled, it follows, first, that heresy is a separation made in
ecclesiastical communion between men of the same religion for some opinions no
way contained in the rule itself; and, secondly, that amongst those who
acknowledge nothing but the Holy Scriptures to be their rule of faith, heresy
is a separation made in their Christian communion for opinions not contained in
the express words of Scripture. Now this separation may be made in a twofold
manner:



1. When the greater part, or by the magistrate's patronage the stronger
part, of the Church separates itself from others by excluding them out of her
communion because they will not profess their belief of certain opinions which
are not the express words of the Scripture. For it is not the paucity of those
that are separated, nor the authority of the magistrate, that can make any man
guilty of heresy, but he only is a heretic who divides the Church into parts,
introduces names and marks of distinction, and voluntarily makes a separation
because of such opinions.


2. When any one separates himself from the communion of a Church because
that Church does not publicly profess some certain opinions which the Holy
Scriptures do not expressly teach.


Both these are heretics because they err in fundamentals, and they err
obstinately against knowledge; for when they have determined the Holy
Scriptures to be the only foundation of faith, they nevertheless lay down
certain propositions as fundamental which are not in the Scripture, and because
others will not acknowledge these additional opinions of theirs, nor build upon
them as if they were necessary and fundamental, they therefore make a
separation in the Church, either by withdrawing themselves from others, or
expelling the others from them. Nor does it signify anything for them to say
that their confessions and symbols are agreeable to Scripture and to the
analogy of faith; for if they be conceived in the express words of Scripture,
there can be no question about them, because those things are acknowledged by
all Christians to be of divine inspiration and therefore fundamental. But if
they say that the articles which they require to be professed are consequences
deduced from the Scripture, it is undoubtedly well done of them who believe and
profess such things as seem unto them so agreeable to the rule of faith. But it
would be very ill done to obtrude those things upon others unto whom they do
not seem to be the indubitable doctrines of the Scripture; and to make a
separation for such things as these, which neither are nor can be fundamental,
is to become heretics; for I do not think there is any man arrived to that
degree of madness as that he dare give out his consequences and interpretations
of Scripture as divine inspirations and compare the articles of faith that he
has framed according to his own fancy with the authority of Scripture. I know
there are some propositions so evidently agreeable to Scripture that nobody can
deny them to be drawn from thence, but about those, therefore, there can be no
difference. This only I say — that however clearly we may think this or
the other doctrine to be deduced from Scripture, we ought not therefore to
impose it upon others as a necessary article of faith because we believe it to
be agreeable to the rule of faith, unless we would be content also that other
doctrines should be imposed upon us in the same manner, and that we should be
compelled to receive and profess all the different and contradictory opinions
of Lutherans, Calvinists, Remonstrants, Anabaptists, and other sects which the
contrivers of symbols, systems, and confessions are accustomed to deliver to
their followers as genuine and necessary deductions from the Holy Scripture. I
cannot but wonder at the extravagant arrogance of those men who think that they
themselves can explain things necessary to salvation more clearly than the Holy
Ghost, the eternal and infinite wisdom of God.


Thus much concerning heresy, which word in common use is applied only to the
doctrinal part of religion. Let us now consider schism, which is a crime near
akin to it; for both these words seem unto me to signify an ill-grounded
separation in ecclesiastical communion made about things not necessary. But
since use, which is the supreme law in matter of language, has determined that
heresy relates to errors in faith, and schism to those in worship or
discipline, we must consider them under that distinction.


Schism, then, for the same reasons that have already been alleged, is
nothing else but a separation made in the communion of the Church upon account
of something in divine worship or ecclesiastical discipline that is not any
necessary part of it. Now, nothing in worship or discipline can be necessary to
Christian communion but what Christ our legislator, or the Apostles by
inspiration of the Holy Spirit, have commanded in express words.


In a word, he that denies not anything that the Holy Scriptures teach in
express words, nor makes a separation upon occasion of anything that is not
manifestly contained in the sacred text — however he may be nicknamed by
any sect of Christians and declared by some or all of them to be utterly void
of true Christianity — yet in deed and in truth this man cannot be either
a heretic or schismatic.



These things might have been explained more largely and more advantageously,
but it is enough to have hinted at them thus briefly to a person of your parts.




Notes:


1. Luke 22. 25.


2. II Tim. 2. 19.


3. Luke 22. 32.


4. Rom. I.


5. Gal. 5.


6. Matt. 18. 20.


7. Exod. 22, 20, 21.


8. Deut. 2.


9. I Cor. 5. 12, 13.