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The Great Republic by the Master Historians
The United States and the Philippine Islands
by Bancroft, Hubert H.


The momentous victory at Manila, and the subsequent acquisition of the Philippine Islands by purchase, marked the opening of an era of new responsibilities, new national greatness and power, and new constitutional problems, for twentieth-century patriotism to grapple with and carry through, to the permanent peace and prosperity of the American people. The entire history of our military and civil relations with the inhabitants of the archipelago since the battle Manila Bay has been so complicated with issues, varying in their nature, but almost equally important to the United States, that a full statement of the case is imperative. Only by a dispassionate survey of the broad facts, and a careful consideration of their bearing upon each other, can we hope to arrive at a position enabling us to form just conclusions, or at least obtain an impartial view of the situation as a whole. The following statement is compiled from authentic sources of information accessible to the public:

The Philippine Islands, numbering in all some 2,000, large and small, lie off the southern coast of Asia between longitude 120 and 130, and latitude 5 and 20 approximately. They have a land area of about 140,000 square miles, with an estimated population of from 7,500,000 to 10,000,000, the majority being principally Malays, not yet brought under control.

The six New England States, New York, and New Jersey, have about an equivalent area. The island of Luzon, on which the capital city (Manila) is situated, is the largest member of the group, being about the size of the State of New York. Mindanao is nearly as large, but its population is very much smaller. The latest estimates of areas of the largest islands are as follows: Luzon, 44,400; Mindanao, 34,000; Samar, 4,800; Panay, 4,700; Mindoro, 4,000; Leyte, 3,800; Negros, 3,300; Cebu, 2,400.

The islands have belonged to Spain since 1565. The friars of the Roman Catholic church have largely dominated the various communities in the more civilized districts. There are thirty different races, speaking thirty dialects.

By an oversight the islands of Cibitu and Cagayan were overlooked in the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain in 1898. They are situated at the southern end of the Philippine archipelago, and have a population of 7,000. The omission was discovered in 1900, and to avoid the embarrassment of having the islands fall into the possession of some other power than Spain, to be used as a naval station, the United States agreed by treaty to pay Spain $100,000 for them.

The thermometer during July and August rarely goes below 79 degrees or above 85 degrees. The extreme ranges in a year are said to be 61 degrees and 97 degrees, and the annual mean 81 degrees. There are three well-marked seasons, temperate and dry from November to February, hot and dry from March to May, and temperate and wet from June to October. The rainy season reaches its maximum in July and August, when the rains are constant and very heavy The total rainfall has been as high as 114 inches in one year.

Yellow fever appears to be unknown. The diseases most fatal among the natives are cholera and smallpox, both of which are brought from China Low malarial fever is brought on by sleeping on the ground or being chilled by remaining without exercise in wet clothes; and diarrhoea is produced by drinking bad water or eating excessive quantities of fruit. Almost all of these diseases are preventable by proper precautions even by troops in campaign.

The mineral wealth of the islands is unknown.

Although agriculture is the chief occupation of the Filipinos, yet only one- ninth of the surface is under cultivation. The soil is very fertile, and even after deducting the mountainous areas it is probable that the area of cultivation can be very largely extended and that the islands can support population equal to that of Japan (42,000,000).

The chief products are rice, corn, hemp, sugar, tobacco, cocoanuts, and cacao. Coffee and cotton were formerly produced in large quantities--the former for export and the latter for home consumption; but the coffee plant has been almost exterminated by insects and the home-made cotton cloths have been driven out by the competition of those imported from England. The rice and corn are principally produced in Luzon and Mindoro and are consumed in the islands. The rice crop is about 765,000 tons. It is insufficient for the demand, and 45,000 tons of rice were imported in 1894, the greater portion from Saigon and the rest from Hong-Kong and Singapore; also 8,669 tons (say 60,000 barrels) of flour, of which more than two-thirds came from China and less than one-third from the United States. The cacao is raised in the southern islands, the best quality of it at Mindanao. The sugar-cane is raised in the Visayas. The crop yielded in 1894 about 235,000 tons of raw sugar, of which one-tenth was consumed in the islands, and the balance, or 210,000 tons, valued at $11,000,000, was exported, the greater part to China, Great Britain, and Australia. The hemp is produced in Southern Luzon, Mindoro, the Visayas, and Mindanao. It is nearly all exported in bales. In 1894 the amount was 96,000 tons, valued at $12,000,000. Tobacco is raised in all the islands, but the best quality and greatest amount in Luzon. A large amount is consumed in the islands, smoking being universal among women as well as the men, but the best quality is exported. The amount in 1894 was 7,000 tons of leaf tobacco, valued at $1,750,000. Cocoanuts are grown in Southern Luzon and are used in various ways.

The following statement of the trade between various countries and the Philippines covers the fiscal year 1890-1897, and it should be carefully studied by all interested in trade expansion:
Countries.	Imports from Philippines.	Exports to Philippines.
Great Britain.	$6,223,426	$2,063,598
France	1,990,297	359,796
Germany	223,720	774,928
Belgium	272,240	45,660
Spain	4,819,344	4,973,589
Japan	1,332,300	92,823
China	56,137	97,717
India	7,755	80,156
Straits Settlements	274,130	236,001
New South Wales	119,550	176,858
Victoria	180	178,370
United States	4,383,740	94,597


Total $19,702,819 $9,174,093


In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, the exports from the United States to the Philippines had increased to $2,640,499, and the imports from the Philippines to $5,971,208. The total imports in the island in the fiscal year were $12,670,436, and exports $8,305,530.

In February, 1899, commenced the militant protest of the Filipinos against the retention of Manila and surrounding districts by American troops. An attempt was made to burn the city and destroy our garrison. From the end of March there has been a ceaseless guerrilla war between the American and native troops, under the lead of Aguinaldo, who is general in the field and claimant of the presidency of the native government to be formed when the United States decides to withdraw.

The fortunes of war have distributed victories and losses evenly between the combatants, allowing for the inequality of their resources. Aguinaldo was forced to take refuge in the hills and swamps, with his portable court and toy army, and was repeatedly reported to have been killed. His military and diplomatic vitality are in evidence after two years of alleged continuous defeats and extinctions. Despite the ever vigorous efforts of our troops, under a succession of brave and experienced commanders, the Filipinos still hold the field and an appalling catalogue of casualties and expenditures has been steadily recorded.

In accordance with a Senate resolution, in May, 1900, the War Department gave certain information relating to the cost of shipping troops and supplies for the army to and from the Philippines since May 1, 1898. The reply states that the expenditures incurred for the transportation by sea of the officers, men, animals and supplies to the Philippine Islands, and from those islands to the United States, since May 1, 1898, were as follows:
At San Francisco	$11,114,320.24
At Seattle	1,159,250.00
At Portland	568,330.00
	$12,841,900.24
At New York	2,795,196.21


Total $15,637,096.45


The accounts of officers of the quartermaster's department show that since May 1, 1898, to June, 1900, there was paid out for passage through the Suez Canal of the United States transports with troops, on account of tolls, fares, etc., the sum of $81,901.18. Accompanying the reply is a statement showing that the War Department saved over $9,000,000 by owning its transports, as follows:
Estimated cost for services by commercial


lines from San Francisco to Manila $18,268,208.83 Cost by transports 10,918,868.24 Saving on account of transports $7,349,340.59

Conservative estimate of cost of transportation by commercial lines from New York to Manila $1,092,400.00 Cost of same service by transports 278,668.77 Saved on account of transports $813,731.23

Conservative estimate of cost of transportation by commercial lines between New York and Cuba and Porto Rico during the Spanish War and since $6,091,272.00 Cost of same service by transports and chartered vessels 5,167,188.50 Saving on account of transports $924,083.50 Total saving to the Government $9,087,155.32


It is also officially reported that the losses of United States troops in the Philippines from July 1, 1900, amounted to a total of 69 officers and 2,187 men, killed in the field, and in deaths from disease contracted in service.

President McKinley appointed a commission, hereafter referred to as the first Philippine Commission, in January, 1899, to visit the islands and report, that the government might have reliable data upon which to base its policy in dealing with the inhabitants. The chairman was President J. G. Schurman, of Cornell University; Admiral Dewey, General Otis, Hon. C. Denby, formerly minister to China, and Professor Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan University. They arrived there in April, and in a few days two Filipino officers approached General MacArthur under a flag of truce, asking a conference with the commander-in- chief. They were sent to Manila, where they asked General Otis for a suspension of hostilities, to allow time for the assembling of the Filipino congress, to consider the policy of continuing or giving up the war. General Otis refused to recognize a Filipino government, but, in the presence of President Schurman, listened to their assurance that Aguinaldo wished to give up if he might do so without humiliation. He offered "a written guarantee of amnesty to all insurgents who shall lay down their arms." Three weeks later commissioners from the insurgents, two military men and two civilians, again visited Otis, who granted nothing further than an audience with the Philippine Commission, as they claimed to be charged with an errand to that body.

Professor Schurman, president of the commission, submitted to the Filipino envoys propositions in writing, formally approved by President McKinley. These propositions outlined a form of government for the Philippine Islands, subject to the action of Congress; but the envoys regarded them as so unsatisfactory that the conference terminated without definite results.

Aguinaldo withdrew to inaccessible hills, and the press censorship grew so strict that our correspondents signed a protest against the new rules enacted by General Otis. Meanwhile our troops were suffering extremely from the climate, the terrible country they had to fight in, and from the bullets of the foe. President McKinley called for twenty new regiments for Philippine service between July 6 and August 26. Hundreds of troops came back incapacitated for duty.

A second Philippine Commission was appointed by the President, in March, 1900, "with a view to establishing a stable government in the Philippine Islands. It consisted of William H. Taft, of Ohio; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Luke I. Wright, of Tennessee; Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Bernard Moses, of California. The secretary of war was ordered to instruct them as follows:

To devote their attention in the first instance to the establishment of municipal governments in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are capable and subject to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the workings of native control show to be consistent with the maintenance of law, order and loyalty. Whenever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to you (the secretary of war), with their recommendations as to the form of central government to be established for the purpose of taking over the control.

Beginning with the first day of September, 1900, the authority to exercise, subject to the President's approval, through the secretary of war, that part of the power of government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative nature is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of the military governor, under such rules and regulations as the secretary of war shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central government for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise of this legislative authority will include the making of rules and orders having the effect of law for the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and imposts; the appropriation and expenditure of the public funds of the islands; the establishment of an educational system throughout the islands; the establishment of a system to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental governments, and all other matters of a civil nature for which the military governor is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The commission will also have power during the same period to appoint to office such officers under the judicial, educational and civil service systems, and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall be provided.

Until Congress shall take action these inviolable rules must be imposed upon every branch of the government:

That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence; that excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offence, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder or ex-post-facto law shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed.

It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and as they find occasion, to improve, the system of education already inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first importance the extension of system of primary education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. Especial attention should be at once given to affording full opportunity to all the people of the islands to acquire the use of the English language.

Upon all officers and employees of the United States, both civil and military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the material but the personal and social rights of the people of the islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity which the people of the United States are accustomed to require from each other.

That all might share in the regeneration of the islands, and participate in their government, General MacArthur, the military governor of the Philippines, who had succeeded General Otis, retired at his own request, was directed to issue a proclamation of amnesty. This was substantially as follows:

MANILA, P. I., JUNE 21, 1900.

By direction of the President of the United States the undersigned announces amnesty, with complete immunity for the past and absolute liberty of action for the future, to all persons who are now, or at any time since February 4, 1899, have been, in insurrection against the United States in either a military or civil capacity, and who shall, within a period of ninety days from the date hereof, formally renounce all connection with such insurrection and subscribe to a declaration acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine Islands. The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned without any reservation whatever, excepting that persons who have violated the laws of war during the period of active hostilities are not embraced within the scope of this amnesty.

In order to mitigate as much as possible consequences resulting from the various disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so rapidly, and to provide in some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during the transitory period which must inevitably succeed a general peace, the military authorities of the United States will pay thirty pesos to each man who presents a rifle in good condition.

In his message of December, 1900, the President refers to the work of this second commission, quoting his previous message as follows:

Our forces have successfully controlled the greater part of the islands, overcoming the organized forces of the insurgents and carrying order and administrative regularity to all quarters. What opposition remains is for the most part scattered, obeying no concerted plan of strategic action, operating only by the methods common to the traditions of guerrilla warfare, which, while ineffective to alter the general control now established, are still sufficient to beget insecurity among the populations that have felt the good results of our control, and thus delay the conferment upon them of the fuller measures of local self-government, of education and of industrial and agricultural development which we stand ready to give to them.

By the spring of this year the effective opposition of the dissatisfied Tagals to the authority of the United States was virtually ended, thus opening the door for the extension of a stable administration over much of the territory of the archipelago.

Desiring to bring this consummation about, he appointed the second commission as aforesaid.

We quote from the message of December, 1900:

The articles of capitulation of the city of Manila on the 13th of August, 1898, concluded with these words:

"This city, its inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its educational establishments and its private property of all descriptions are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army."

I believe that this pledge has been faithfully kept. A high and sacred obligation rests upon the government of the United States to give protection for property and life, civil and religious freedom and wise, firm and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United States.

This commission, composed of eminent citizens representing the diverse geographical and political interests of the country and bringing to their task the ripe fruits of long and intelligent service in educational, administrative and judicial careers, made great progress from the outset. As early as August 21, 1900, it submitted a preliminary report, which will be laid before the Congress and from which it appears that already the good effects of returning order are felt; that business, interrupted by hostilities, is improving as peace extends; that a larger area is under sugar cultivation now than ever before; that the customs revenues are greater than at any time during the Spanish rule; that economy and efficiency in the military administration have created a surplus fund of $6,000,000, available for needed public improvements; that a stringent civil service law is in preparation; that railroad communications are expanding, opening up rich districts, and that a comprehensive scheme of education is being organized.

Later reports from the commission show yet more encouraging advance towards insuring the benefits of liberty and good government to the Filipinos, in the interest of humanity and with the aim of building up an enduring, self- supporting and self-administering community in those far eastern seas.

I would impress upon the Congress that whatever legislation may be enacted in respect to the Philippine Islands should be along these generous lines. The fortune of war has thrown upon this nation an unsought trust, which should be unselfishly discharged. Upon this government has devolved a moral as well as material responsibility towards these millions whom we have freed from an oppressive yoke.

I have upon another occasion called the Filipinos "the wards of the nation." Our obligation as guardian was not lightly assumed; it must not be otherwise than honestly fulfilled, aiming first of all to benefit those who have come under our fostering care. It is our duty so to treat them that our flag may be no less beloved in the mountains of Luzon and the fertile zones of Mindanao and Negros than it is at home; that there, as here, it shall be the revered symbol of liberty, enlightenment and progress in every avenue of development.

The Filipinos are a race quick to learn, to profit by knowledge. He would be rash who, with the teaching of contemporaneous history in view, would fix a limit to the degree of culture and advancement yet within the reach of those people if our duty towards them be faithfully performed.

The insurgents, as the Filipinos are termed, kept the war alive just the same notwithstanding the pacific tone of the message.

Congress had many excited debates upon the general question of proclaiming our intention to retain the Philippines and assume a protectorate over the archipelago. The war of words between expansionists and anti-expansionists has not yet ended, as principles are at stake. The Friars had caused considerable trouble all round, and General Otis met certain demands of theirs by issuing a decree granting individual religious liberty in Luzon. Their power may be gauged by the following statement copied by an American journal, the Catholic World from the Etudes, dated July, 1898:

"With Legaspi, founder of Manila, in 1571, came a band of Augustinianmonks. They were followed some five years later by a body of Franciscans, and before a dozen years had passed Manila had a Dominican bishop and an addition of missionaries of the Order of Preachers and the Society of Jesus. To-day the spiritual charges of the various communities are represented by the following table:
1892-Augustinians.	2,082,131 souls
1892-Recollects.	1,175,156 souls
1892-Franciscans.	1,010,753 souls
1892-Dominicians.	699,851 souls
1895-Jesuits.	213,065 souls
1896-Secular Clergy.	967,294 souls


"Most significant in the above table is the comparative fewness of souls cared for by the secular or native clergy. The work is all done, the power all possessed by the monks.

Whatever the reason-we may be able to guess-this is most unfortunate. Antagonize religious sentiment and patriotism, and you have done much to uproot the in- fluence of the spiritual authority."

These Friars were a thorn in the flesh of the Spaniards when owners of the islands. It appears that there is one Friar to every 5,000 native Filipino Catholics, who are only about one-half of the native population. Yet the Friar counted for more than all his flock in both ecclesiastical and secular affairs. It is recorded that Governor-General Blanco, before he left the Philippines in 1896 to rule Cuba, had found the situation so intolerable there that he had demanded either the immediate expulsion of the religious orders or reinforcements of an army of 80,000 men to crush the insurrectionary movement against the Friars. Failing to secure either the expulsion of the Spanish monks, or the Spanish army for the enforcement of their obnoxious rule, he resigned.

The Friars were put under subjection, virtually deposed from their secular thrones, under American rule. An anti-Catholic or anti-Friar movement has developed, with indications that their day is over. Archbishop Chapelle has stated that they will not henceforth be sent into districts where the people object to them. It is only fair to note that it is generally admitted that the Friars are to be credited with many excellent qualities, not only in their spiritual capacity but as administrators in civic affairs. They were often the only persons qualified by education and training to guide the practical conduct of local commercial business.

Now, having presented the case against the insurgents from the government standpoint, it is proper to place the reader in possession of such facts and utterances of responsible persons as may exhibit the other side of the controversy. The vital thing to know is the truth about the Filipinos, the insurgents, who presume to resist our philanthropic efforts to coerce them to accept our aid in raising their standard of civilization to the level of ours. We do not need to go outside the ranks of the eminent Americans who, as soldiers, sailors, diplomatists, and statesmen, have spoken from personal knowledge, gained on the spot, as to the character and qualities of the native race we have not yet reconciled nor subjugated.

The first commissioners to the Philippines gave frank testimony to the character of the Filipinos as prospective rulers of their native land. They stated as follows in their official report:

The commission, while not underrating the difficulty of governing the Philippines, is disposed to believe the task easier than is generally supposed. For this confidence..it has the following among other grounds:

First-The study by educated Filipinos of the various examples of constitutional government has resulted in their selection, as best adapted to the conditions and character of the various people inhabiting the archipelago, of almost precisely the political institutions and arrangements which have been worked out in practice by the American people; and these are also, though less definitely apprehended, the political ideas of the masses of the Philippine people themselves. This point has been frequently illustrated in the course of the preceding exposition, and it must here suffice to say that the commission was constantly surprised by the harmony subsisting between the rights, privileges and institutions enjoyed by Americans and the reforms desired by the best Filipinos.

Secondly-In addition to the adaptation of the American form of government to the Filipinos, the Filipinos themselves are of unusually promising material. They possess admirable personal and domestic virtues; and though they are uncontrollable when such elemental passions as jealousy, revenge or resentment are once aroused, most of them, practically all of the civilized inhabitants of Luzon and the Visayas, are naturally and normally peaceful, docile and deferential to constituted authority. On the suppression of the insurrection the great majority of them will be found to be good, law-abiding citizens.

Thirdly-Though the majority of the inhabitants are uneducated, they evince a strong desire to be instructed, and the example of Japan is with them a cherished ideal of the value of education. A system of free schools for the people, another American institution, it will be noted, has been an important element in every Philippine programme of reforms.

Fourthly-The educated Filipinos, though constituting a minority, are far more numerous than is generally supposed, and are scattered all over the archipelago; and the commission desires to bear the strongest testimony to the high range of their intelligence, and not only to their intellectual training but also to their social refinement as well as to the grace and charm of their personal character. These educated. Filipinos, in a word, are the equals of the men one meets in similar vocations-law, medicine, business, etc.-in Europe or America.

The unique personality of Aguinaldo is the subject of two interesting utterances, one by Admiral Dewey, the other in the Philadelphia Press, partly owned and formerly edited by Postmaster-General Emory Smith. In the newspaper it is stated that Pancho Aguinaldo is the son of a prominent native chief and was born in 1871. Anxious that his boy should be educated, this chief confided the lad to the Spanish priests, who thought that Aguinaldo's influence, when he grew up, would help to maintain Spanish authority among the Malay population. The father is rich, for a native, and Pancho Aguinaldo, after being taught in the local schools, was sent to Madrid to study theology and qualify for the priesthood. After a year or two of study the young man boldly declared he would not be a priest, but a soldier. So he was drafted into one of the native regiments, in which a few of the subalterns are Manila men, but all the captains and field-officers are Spaniards. It is reported that he upset his whole university career by joining the Masons. Soon afterwards he went to Hong-Kong and knocked around for several years, practically a political refugee because of his Masonic affiliations.

In his despatch to Washington of June 27, 1898, Admiral Dewey made the following report:

Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, with thirteen of his staff, arrived May 19, by permission, on Nanshan, establishing himself at Cavite, outside the arsenal, under the protection of our guns, and organized his army. I have had several conversations with him, generally of a personal nature. Consistently I have refrained from assisting him in any way with the force under my command, and on several occasions I have declined requests that I should do so, telling him the squadron could not act until the arrival of the United States troops. At the same time I have given him to understand that I considered insurgents as friends, being opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil government. Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron, but has kept me advised of his progress, which has been wonderful. I have allowed to pass by water recruits, arms and ammunition, and to take such Spanish arms and ammunition from the arsenal as he needed. Have advised frequently to conduct the war humanely, which he has done invariably. My relations with him are cordial, but I am not in his confidence. The United States has not been bound in any way to assist insurgents by any act or promises, and he is not, to my knowledge, committed to assist us. I believe he expects to capture Manila without my assistance, but doubt ability, he not yet having many guns. In my opinion these people are far superior in their intelligence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar with both races.

Admiral Dewey repeated this in his communication to the Paris Peace Commissioners, dated August 9; "further intercourse with them has confirmed me in this opinion."

The Rev. Clay Macauley, a missionary in Japan, visiting Manila in July, 1899, wrote an account of interviews he had held with Admiral Dewey and General Otis. The former said to him: "Rather than make a war of conquest upon the Filipino people I would up anchor and sail out of the harbor." General Otis, he reports, "expressed regret that there was not a better knowledge of the situation among the Washington legislators than there seemed to be. He impressed me deeply by his declaration, `I was ordered to this post from San Francisco. I did not believe in the annexation of these islands when I came here, nor do I believe in their annexation now.'"

General Joseph Wheeler, in an interview in San Francisco March 7, 1900, upon his return from the Philippines, said:

"So far as their capacity for self-government is concerned, I think that the Filipinos are capable of it under certain restrictions.

"The few experiments already made in civic governments throughout the provinces have been very successful, and I think they ought to have authority to make their own laws and govern themselves under a system similar to that known as our territorial system.

"This they practically had under the Spanish regime, and they did very well. There are a great many more intelligent and educated men among them than is generally supposed."

As every utterance of the conqueror of Manila Bay has peculiar significance in this connection, we quote this from the interview between the Naples correspondent of the London Daily News and Admiral Dewey, dated August 21, 1899:

Conversation then, after some remarks from Admiral Dewey on the United States navy and on the various episodes of the battle of Cavite, turned to the question of the Philippines. "Do you think, Admiral, that the islands are likely to be pacified soon?" The admiral replied as follows:

"I have the question of the Philippines more at heart than any other American, because I know the Filipinos intimately, and they know that I am their friend. The recent insurrection is the fruit of the anarchy which has so long reigned in the islands. The insurgents will have to submit themselves to law after being accustomed to no form of law. I believe and affirm, nevertheless, that the Philippine question will be very shortly solved. The Filipinos are capable of governing themselves. They have all the qualifications for it. It is a question of time; but the only way to settle the insurrection and to assure prosperity to the archipelago is to concede self-government to the inhabitants. That would be the solution of many questions and would satisfy all, especially the Filipinos, who believe themselves worthy of it, and are so."

"Self-government for the Philippines has, however, not many partisans in America, "I remarked.

"I have never been in favor of violence toward the Filipinos," replied, or rather continued the admiral. "The islands are at this moment blockaded by a fleet, and war reigns in the interior. This abominable state of things should cease. I should like to see autonomy first conceded, and then annexation might be talked about. This is my opinion, and I should like to see violence at once suppressed. According to me, the concession of self-government ought to be the most just and the most logical solution."

The admiral spoke with an air of frank conviction.

President Schurman, chairman of the first Philippine Peace Commission, and Professor Dean C. Worcester, of both the Commissions, give the highest testimony to the ability to the Filipinos and their fitness for self-government.

Striking testimonies are given to the soldierlike qualities of the Filipinos. General Lawton, who fell while leading his men, spoke of them as "the bravest men I ever saw." He is quoted by the Rev. P. McQueen, chaplain of the First California Volunteers, as having said as follows:

The Filipinos are a fine set of soldiers. They are far better than the Indians. The latter never fight unless they have the absolute advantage. The Tagals are what I would call a civilized race. They are good mechanics, imitative-they manufacture everything. They have arsenals and cartridge factories and powder- mills. They can manufacture everything they need.

Taking everything into consideration, the few facilities they have, the many drawbacks, they are an ingenious and artistic race. And taking into account the disadvantages they have to fight against in arms, equipment and military discipline without artillery, short of ammunition, powder inferior, shells reloaded until they are defective, inferior in every particular of equipment and supplies, they are the bravest men I have ever seen.

Among the Filipinos there are many cultured people who would ornament society anywhere in the world-women who have studied and travelled, men highly educated and of fine mentality. Take them as a class, there can as many of them read and write as the inhabitants in many places in America. As for their treachery, you would not have to come so far as this to find that. There is plenty of it in North America. All nations are treacherous, more or less. Some men and nations have treachery trained out of them more than others.

What we want is to stop this accursed war. It is time for diplomacy-time for mutual understandings. These men are indomitable. At Bacoor bridge they waited till the Americans brought their cannon to within thirty-five yards of their trenches. Such men have the right to be heard. All they want is a little justice.

Our Consul in Manila, Oscar F. Williams, put in writing his opinion that if we were going to annex the Philippines to-day, they are probably worth $100,000 more than they would have been if Aguinaldo had not prevented the Filipinos from burning all Spanish and Roman Catholic church property.

In Senate Document No. 62 of the Fifty-fifth Congress is a letter from Mr. Wildman to Mr. Moore of the State Department, dated Hong-Kong, July 18, 1898, containing these words:

"In conclusion, I wish to put myself on record as stating that the insurgent government of the Philippine Islands cannot be dealt with as though they were North American Indians, willing to be removed from one reservation to another, at the whim of their masters.

"ROUNSEVELLE WILDMAN, Consul-General."

These will suffice as examples of the arguments and facts on which the opponents of the Philippine war of subjugation rest their case. In the North American Review of January, 1900, is an article entitled "A Filipino Appeal to the People of the United States," by Apolinario Mabini, formerly premier in Aguinaldo's cabinet. It professes to correct mis-statements of fact prejudicial to the Filipino cause, and it concludes thus:

The facts which I have related clearly disprove the assertion by Americans that the Filipinos provoked the hostilities.. The truth is that the Filipino people have never felt disposed to measure their strength with powerful America, otherwise Aguinaldo could not have put up with so many infamous actions at the hands of the American generals. They have always considered themselves little and insignificant beside the American people and hence they never thought of provoking the Americans, for they have always been aware that, even if they should gain a few victories, the fortunes of war would necessarily change as soon as reinforcements arrived from America.

And it is still more true that the Filipino people, educated by long sufferings during the protracted dominion of Spain, have learned to reflect and to judge things calmly, even in the midst of great excitement. They know that, no matter how great and civilized a people may be, it contains bad men as well as good men; and, therefore, they do not condemn all. For the same reason they admire the bravery shown by the American army in the recent fights; they still entertain, unalterably, that friendship towards the American people which places them above all other nations; they trust that the popular government of America will not sink to the level of the theocratic government of Spain, and that the spirit of justice, now obscured by ambition, will again shine in their firmament, as the civic virtues of their ancestors shine in their history and traditions.

The Filipino people are struggling in defense of their liberties and independence with the same tenacity and perseverance as they have shown in their sufferings. They are animated by an unalterable faith in the justice of their cause, and they know that if the American people will not grant them justice there is a Providence which punishes the crimes of nations as well as of individuals.

The report of the second Commission, of which Judge Taft was chairman, was laid before Congress in January, 1901. It has much to say about the Friars, and the information is here quoted in substance:

Ordinarily, the government of the United States and its servants have little or no concern with religious societies or corporations and their members. With us the Church is so completely separated from the State that it is difficult to imagine cases in which the policy of a church in the selection of its ministers and the assignment of them to duty can be regarded as of political moment, or as a proper subject of comment in the report of a public officer. In the pacification of the Philippines by our government, however, it is impossible to ignore the great part which such a question plays.

By the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 against Spain all the Dominicans, Augustinians, Recoletos and Franciscans acting as parish priests were driven from their parishes to take refuge in Manila. Forty were killed and 403 were imprisoned and were not all released until by the advance of the American troops it became impossible for the insurgents to retain them. Of the 1,124 who were in the islands in 1896 only 472 remain. The remainder either perished, returned to Spain or went to China or South America.

The burning political question, discussion of which strongly agitates the people of the Philippines, is whether the members of the four great orders of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Francis and the Recoletos shall return to the parishes from which they were driven by the revolution. Colloquially the term "friars" includes the members of these four orders. The Jesuits, Capuchins, Benedictines and the Paulists, of whom there are a few teachers here, have done only mission work or teaching, and have not aroused the hostility existing against the four large orders to which we are now about to refer.

The truth is that the whole government of Spain in these islands rested on the friars. To use the expression of the provincial of the Augustinians, the friars were "the pedestal, or foundation, of the sovereignty of Spain in these islands," which, being removed, "the whole structure would topple over." The number of Spanish troops in these islands did not exceed 5,000 until the revolution. The tenure of office of the friar curate was permanent. There was but little rotation of priests among the parishes. Once settled in a parish, a priest usually continued there until super-annuation. He was, therefore, a constant political factor for a generation. The same was true of the archbishop and the bishops. The civil and military officers of Spain in the islands were here for not longer than four years, and more often for a less period. The friars, priests and bishops, therefore, constituted a solid, powerful, permanent, well organized political force in the islands which dominated politics. The stay of those officers who attempted to pursue a course at variance with that deemed wise by the orders was invariably shortened by monastic influence.

Of the four great orders, one, the Franciscans, is not permitted to own property, except convents and schools. This is not true of the other three. They own some valuable business property in Manila, and have large amounts of money to lend. But the chief property of these orders is in agricultural land. The total amount owned by the three orders in the Philippines is approximately 403,000 acres.

In the light of these considerations it is not wonderful that the people should regard the return of the friars to their parishes as a return to the conditions existing before the revolution. The common people are utterly unable to appreciate that under the sovereignty of the United States the position of the friar as curate would be different from that under Spain.

This is not a religious question, though it concerns the selection of religious ministers for religious communities. The Philippine people love the Catholic Church.

"The feeling against the friars is solely political. The people would gladly receive as ministers of the Roman Catholic religion any save those who are to them the embodiment of all in the Spanish rule that was hateful. If the friars return to their parishes, though only under the same police protection which the American government is bound to extend to any other Spanish subjects in these islands, the people will regard it as the act of that government. They have so long been used to having every phase of their conduct regulated by governmental order that the coming again of the friars will be accepted as an executive order to them to receive the friars as curates with their old, all-absorbing functions. It is likely to have the same effect on them that the return of General Weyler under an American commission as governor of Cuba would have had on the people of that island.

"Those who are charged with the duty of pacifying these islands may, therefore, properly have the liveliest concern in a matter which, though on its surface only ecclesiastical, is, in the most important phase of it, political, and fraught with the most critical consequences to the peace and good order of the country in which it is their duty to set up civil government. We are convinced that a return of the friars to their parishes will lead to lawless violence and murder, and that the people will charge the course taken to the American government, thus turning against it the resentment felt towards the friars.

"The friars have large property interests in these islands which the United States government is bound by treaty obligations and by the law of its being to protect. It is natural and proper that the friars should feel a desire to remain where so much of their treasure is. Nearly all the immense agricultural holdings have been transferred by the three orders -- by the Dominicans to a man named Andrews, by the Recoletos to an English corporation and by the Augustinians to another corporation; but these transfers do not seem to have been out-and-out sales, but only a means for managing the estates without direct intervention of the friars, or for selling the same when a proper price can be secured. The friars seem to remain the real owners."

President Schurman, of the first Philippine Commission, writing in Munsey's Magazine after his return, expressed his personal view as follows:

"We are not to make the Philippines a dumping-ground for politicians. It must be realized that there is no harder work and none nobler, after that of the President of the United States, than the administration of the Philippine Islands. Think of the Filipino as a negro or as an Indian, and you will never rule him. The men who rule in the Orient must have a genuine regard for humanity, behind whatever features or beneath whatever skin it may look out upon you.

"I believe the only hope of an eventually free, self-governed and united Filipino people is under the flag of the United States. I suppose that three years ago we would not have taken the Philippine Islands if they had been offered to us; but they have come into our hands, and we must do our duty. Nothing worse could happen to the Filipino than our withdrawal, for if we do, one of two things is bound to happen, either of which would be fatal to the aspirations of the Filipinos themselves. They will either fall a prey to domestic dissensions, so great and bitter are the tribal rivalries, or else aliens who have property in Manila and Subig and Iloilo and other places will find their lives and property insecure and ask protection from their own governments, and when once the great European powers begin to protect their citizens in the Philippine Islands the archipelago will be divided among them.

"I fully believe that when the scheme of government is put in execution by the commission which is now in the islands, headed by Judge Taft, the educated Filipinos will be satisfied and the United States will appear to them for the first time in a correct light -- no longer merely as an irresistible power, but as champions of justice, of freedom, and as dispensers of blessings through the entire archipelago."

A well known authority on the Philippines, Mr. John Foreman, an Englishman who has lived there a long time, wrote in an English review upon the future of the islands. He speaks well of Aguinaldo but predicts that an experiment of a native government would surely end in disaster. It would not last one year.

"If the native republic did succeed, it would not be strong enough to protect itself against foreign aggression. The islands are a splendid group, well worth picking a quarrel and spending a few millions sterling to annex them. I entertain the firm conviction that an unprotected united republic would last only until the novelty of the situation had worn off. Then, I think, every principal island would, in turn, declare its independence. Finally there would be complete chaos, and before that took root America or some European nation would probably have interfered; therefore it is better to start with protection. I cannot doubt that General Aguinaldo is quite alive to these facts; nevertheless I admire his astuteness in entering on any plan which, by hook or by crook, will expel the friars. If the republic failed, at least monastic power would never return. A protectorate under a strong nation is just as necessary to insure good administration in the islands as to protect them against foreign attack. Either Great Britain or America would be equally welcome to the islanders if they had not the vanity to think they could govern themselves. Unless America decided to start on a brand-new policy it would hardly suit her, I conjecture, to accept the mission of a protectorate so distant from her chief interests. England, having ample resources so near at hand, would probably find it a less irk-some task. For the reasons given above the control would have to be a very direct one. I would go so far as to suggest that the government should be styled `The Philippine Protectorate.' There might be a Chamber of Deputies, with a native President. The protector and his six advisers should be American or English. The functions of ministers should be vested in the advisers, and those of President (of a republic) in the protector. In any case, the finances could not be confided to a native. The inducement to finance himself would be too great. All races should be represented in the Chamber."

Under such rule as this, he says, capital would flow into the islands and civilization would rapidly grow. The legal aspects of the general question have been long under discussion by the ablest authorities, statesmen and scholars. In an elaborate paper in the Review of Reviews, Professor Judson of the University of Chicago, examines the precedents for the acquisitions of territory and the leading decisions of the Supreme Court. This is his summary:

"In brief, then, these seem to be the essential facts so far as the constitutional implications of a colonial policy are concerned. The power to acquire territory is no longer seriously questioned. The purposes of annexation are not limited by the Constitution, but are at the discretion of the political branch of the Government. It is not necessary, therefore, that annexed territory should be destined for statehood. It may be held permanently as a colony, for purposes of national defense or from economic considerations. It may be held in trust for the inhabitants, with the expectation of ultimately turning it over to them should they so desire and should they prove themselves capable of orderly government. Meanwhile the government of such territory is subject to the control of Congress.

"The inhabitants of annexed territory do not by virtue of annexation necessarily all become citizens of the United States -- it is not beyond question that any of them do so become. The fourteenth amendment is not of necessity so to be construed as to make birth in annexed territory result in American citizenship. The fourteenth amendment relates to the `United States.' That is a term which has two meanings: in the larger sense it includes all that is within the national boundaries -- `the whole American empire,' as Chief Justice Marshall calls it; in the more restricted sense it includes only the States, but excludes all federal territory. It is in the second -- the restricted -- sense that the term is used in the Constitution as denoting the sovereign power whose governmental agencies are therein provided -- a sovereign power in which the Territories have no share: `We, the people of the United States, . . . do ordain and establish this Constitution.' It is by no means proved that the term occurs anywhere in the Constitution in any other sense. Territories are not `States' within the meaning of the Constitution, and the `United States' in its restricted governmental sense is merely the `States' federally united. From these considerations it follows that some constitutional inconveniences apprehended from annexation of lands over sea and inhabited by inferior races are not likely to occur. Congress may lay a direct tax on such Territories, subject only to the constitutional limitation of proportion to population.

"The limitation of uniformity placed by the Constitution on the power to lay indirect taxes is confined to `the United States,' which may well mean the States. Thus there would be no such limitation so far as Territories are concerned, and hence Congress would be quite free to maintain therein such system of duties and excises as circumstances may warrant, irrespective of the policy controlling the `States.' The navigation laws are constitutionally limited also with reference only to the `States.' Thus Congress may, if it seems expedient so to do, establish the `open door' in over-sea Territories without let or hindrance from the Constitution. Such personal rights as the Constitution guarantees within the whole jurisdiction of the national government -- both in States and in Territories -- are on the whole such as would not materially impede adequate control of federal territory, and at the same time such as we would wish to extend to all people under the American flag.

"The acquisition of tropical territories may or may not be in accordance with sound policy. The control of such territories presents few serious constitutional difficulties."

With this judicial opinion our survey of the leading features of the Philippine question and state documents closes. The careful perusal of the arguments and facts on both sides yields a strikingly interesting view of history in the making.

LATER DEVELOPMENTS IN PHILIPPINE AFFAIRS.

The situation in the Philippines give brighter promise from month to month. There appears to be a fair prospect of compromise, honorable to both sides. Early in February, 1901, an insurgent Colonel, Simon Techon, seven insurgent officers and seventy men, with sixty guns, surrendered unconditionally to Captain Cooles, of the Thirty-fifth regiment at San Miguel de Mayumo. Other voluntary surrenders were reported from outlying districts. From the province of Pampanga in Luzon, the following cheering news was received within the week:

"Bacolor and all the towns adjacent to the railroad whose names are historic on account of the fierce battles of the earlier periods of American occupation turned out to welcome the United States Philippine commission as it proceeded northward on its first trip to organize provincial governments. At every station, including the hamlets where the train did not stop, there were bursts of music from the native bands and cheers for the Americanos-Filipinos commission and the Partido Federal. The crowd at Malolos, the former seat of the insurgent government, was smaller, in proportion to the population, than at the villages. At all stops addresses were delivered by natives and responses were made by Judge Taft, the president of the commission; Professor Worcester, General Flores, Chief Justice Arellano and Dr. Tavera, president of the federal party. The natives repeatedly declared the people were beginning to understand the purposes of the Americans, adding that the commission's acts showed their promises will be kept."

Senator Spooner had in preparation an amendment to the Army Appropriation bill, being a resolution giving the President authority to govern the islands. A former resolution provided that the President should establish a civil government whenever the insurrection was put down, but this amendment omitted the proviso as to the suppression of the insurrection and leaves it entirely to the discretion of the President.

All the conditions of the problem were suddenly changed by the capture, on March 14, of Aguinaldo. The incident can be told in the words of General Funston, whose Official report was filed in May. His daring feat won him the rank of Brigadier-General.

"On Jan. 14 a special messenger from Aguinaldo's headquarters at Palanan, bearing letters to different generals of his command and to insurgent chiefs, asking for reinforcements to be sent him, gave himself up to Lieutenant Taylor of the Twenty-fourth Infantry, who immediately sent him to me at San Isidro. He also had valuable correspondence, which gave us information as to the whereabouts and the strength of Aguinaldo's band at that time. We found among them one in which Baldomero Aguinaldo was ordered to take command of the provinces of central Luzon and requesting him to send as soon as possible 400 armed men to Aguinaldo's camp.

"Then and there I conceived the idea of arming and equipping a number of native tropps to pass off as these expected reinforcements and to make an endeavor to trap Aguinaldo in his lair. The expedition was made up of four Tagalas, who were formerly commissioned officers in Aguinaldo's army, and we selected seventy- eight men of the Macabebe scouts, all of whom could talk Tagala fluently. I obtained a number of captured insurgent uniforms, and ten Macabebes were equipped with rifles.

"We embarked on the gunboat Vicksburg and landed on March 14 at 2 o'clock in the morning. The expedition was nominally placed in command of Hilario Placido, ex- insurgent colonel. After marching twenty miles we reached the town of Casiguran. We had sent word to the Presidente of the town through native messengers that reinforcements for Aguinaldo were on the way through his town, so that when we arrived there food and quarters had been provided for us. This notification had been signed by the supposed commander of the expedition. The Presidente was completely deceived. My troop had captured, some months ago, some official paper of General Lacuna, bearing his official stamp and seal. In order to make the deception all the more complete, we succeeded in forging the signature of Lacuna to letters to Aguinaldo. These letters were sent ahead and we followed.

"The trip to Aguinaldo's camp was a most severe one upon the men. Our food supply was entirely exhausted, and my men were so weak that when we reached within eight miles of Aguinaldo's camp we could go no farther. We therefore sent a messenger ahead to Aguinaldo's camp, informing him of our plight and requesting that he send us food before we could go further. This was supplied us, and the disguise and ruse adopted by us had been complete. As we had told Aguinaldo that we had American prisoners, he sent word that they be given their liberty.

"As the Macabebes approached the town the troops of Aguinaldo's bodyguard, consisting of fifty men, were drawn up in parade to receive the supposed reinforcements. The men who posed as officers of our expedition marched into the camp and paid their respects to Aguinaldo, who received them in a large house built on the bank of the Palanan river. After the exchange of courtesies the officers excused themselves from Aguinaldo and his staff, for a moment, stepped outside, and ordered their Macabebe troops drawn up into line and commanded them to commence firing into Aguinaldo's troops.

"The rout of the insurgents was complete. The ex-in-surgent officers, the five Americans, and several Macabebe scouts immediately made a rush for the house which was used as Aguinaldo's headquarters and took him prisoner. Aguinaldo, when taken prisoner, at first raved and swore at the deception practised upon him, but later accepted the situation with dignity."

Aguinaldo was treated as a distinguished prisoner of war, and within a few weeks he issued a manifesto to his people, demonstrating the hopelessness of further resistance and urging them to accept the protection of the United States. He renounced "all allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary governments in the Philippine Islands," and formally swore allegiance to this country.

Since Aguinaldo's capture many regiments have been recalled. The Government consider a reserve force of 40,000 sufficient to maintain peace. A large number of former insurgent leaders have surrendered with their men, and the prospects for conciliation and permanent peace are brighter than they have been for years.

As to the fitness of the people for self-government, sooner or later, it is stated that the number of those who can read and write has been estimated by various authorities at from 70 to 90 per cent. of the entire population. This compares very favorably with the 58 per cent. of Italians, 31 per cent. of Russians, and, according to the census of 1887, the 281/2 per cent. of Spaniards who can read and write. The percentage is more creditable than in some of the States in America, and very much higher than in any of the South American States. There was a university in Manila several years before the Pilgrim Fathers landed on Plymouth Rock, and there are many other colleges now existing in Manila and in other parts of the archipelago, and the funds for the foundation and maintenance of every one of these colleges have been provided exclusively by the Filipinos themselves.

SAMOA, GUAM AND THE SULU ARCHIPELAGO.

[The Samoan Islands have an area of only a little over fifty square miles, and a population of about 5,000. They are not of much commercial importance, but the harbor of Pago Pago is the finest in the Pacific, and so situated as to be invaluable to the United States. Owing to the internal strife of rival kings, it was decided by Great Britain, Germany and the United States to acknowledge the right of the Chief of Tutuila to share in the settlement made between the powers. Great Britain withdrew its claim, for a consideration. In December, 1899, the three parties concerned signed an agreement, of which the second article is as follows:

"Art. 2. Germany renounces in favor of the United States of America all her rights and claims over and in respect to the island of Tutuila and all other islands of the Samoan group east of longitude 171 degrees west of Greenwich. Great Britain in like manner renounces in favor of the United States of America all her rights and claims over and in respect to the island of Tutuila and all other islands of the Samoan group east of longitude 171 degrees west of Greenwich. Reciprocally, the United States of America renounce in favor of Germany all their rights and claims over and in respect to the islands of Upolu and Savaii and all other islands of the Samoan group west of longitude 171 degrees west of Greenwich."

The harbor of Pago Pago is on the coast of our newly acquired island of Tutuila, which affords a valuable station in the Pacific, especially in view of the proposed isthmian canal and consequent growth of our trade in the East. We had the treaty right to use the harbor as a coaling depot as far back as 1878. Our representative, Mr. Goward, reported that "The capacity of this harbor is sufficient for the accommodation of large fleets; landlocked, it is safe from hurricanes and storms and could easily be defended from land or sea attack at a small expense. In a naval point of view it is the key position to the Samoan group and likewise to central Polynesia, and is especially well located for the protection of American commerce. The Samoan archipelago is by reason of its geographical position in central Polynesia, lying in the course of vessels from San Francisco to Auckland, from Panama to Sydney and from Valparaiso to China and Japan, and from being outside the hurricane track, the most valuable group in the south Pacific. Situated half way between Honolulu and Auckland, Pago Pago would be a most convenient stopping place or coaling station for vessels or steamers either for supplies or the exchange of commodities. With the Pacific mail steamers making it a port for coaling, it would necessarily become the controlling commercial place in that part of Polynesia."

Guam, the largest island of the Ladrone group, has an area of about 150 square miles, with 10,000 inhabitants. The island was ceded by Spain in the settlement of 1898. General Joseph Wheeler was sent in 1900 to make a report upon the working of the new government established by Captain R. P. Leary, U. S. N., the previous year. His account was highly favorable, the people were happy under the new conditions, and were disposed to observe the disciplinary regulations that had been instituted by Captain Leary. That the natives of Guam are in a somewhat primitive stage of civilization, though an inoffensive people, is evident by these specimen rules which General Wheeler quotes:

Orders issued Aug. 16, 1899, prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors to any person not a resident of Guam previous to Aug. 7; regulate the importation and sale of intoxicating liquors; prohibit the transfer of land without the consent of the government; regulate the celebration of church and other holidays; prohibit concubinage and require marriage rites between persons so co-habiting; prohibit the exportation of certain articles in common use among the people; require persons without a trade or regular employment to plant specified commodities and keep certain live stock; regulate the keeping of dogs and other animals running at large; abrogate the Spanish system of taxation and provide a new one; establish a public system of nonsectarian education; require each adult to learn to write his or her own name within a specified time. Early in the summer of 1900 Captain Leary was recalled and Commander Seaton Schroeder, U. S. N., was appointed governor of the island.

The land is fertile, and should produce enough sugar, rice, coffee, and fruits to work up a profitable export trade.

The Sulu Archipelago lies east of the Philippines, with an area of about 1,000 miles and a population of about 100,000, all Mohammedans. The United States took over the Sultanate on the same terms as those negotiated by Spain. General Otis empowered General J. C. Bates to effect the transfer, giving him these instructions:

"The United States will accept the obligations of Spain under the agreement of 1878 in the matter of money annuities and in proof of sincerity you will offer as a present (?) to the Sultan and datos $10,000, Mexican, with which you will be supplied before leaving for Jolo-the same to be handed over to them respectively in amounts agreeing with the ratio of payments made to them by the Spanish government for their declared services. From the first of September next and thereafter, the United States will pay to them regularly the sums promised by Spain in its agreement of 1878, and in any subsequent promises of which proof can be furnished * * * and will declare all trade of the Sultan and his people with any portion of the Philippine islands, conducted under the American flag, free, unlimited and undutiable."

The result was the following treaty:

Article 1. - The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged.

Article 2. -The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies, on land and sea.

Article 3. -The rights and dignities of His Highness the Sultan and his datos shall be fully respected; the Moros shall not be interfered with on account of their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected, and no one shall be persecuted on account of his religion.

Article 4. -While the United States may occupy and control such point in the archipelago of Jolo as public interest seems to demand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of His Highness the Sultan, unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a foreign power; and where the property of individuals is taken, due compensation will be made in each case. Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Jolo, and hold the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and coming to a satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land, and such purchase shall immediately be registered in the proper office of the United States Government.

Article 5. - All trade in the domestic products of the archipelago of Jolo, when carried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine islands, and when conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unlimited and undutiable.

Article 6. - The Sultan of Jolo shall be allowed to communicate direct with the governor-general of the Philippine islands in making complaints against the commanding officer of Jolo, or against any naval commander.

Article 7. -The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden, except under specific authority of the governor-general of the Philippine islands.

Article 8. -Piracy must be suppressed, and the Sultan and his datos agree to co- operate heartily with the United States authorities to that end, and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy.

Article 9. -When crimes and offences are committed by Moros against Moros, the government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the criminals and offenders, who will be delivered to the government of the Sultan by the United States authorities, if in their possession. In all other cases, persons charged with crimes or offences will be delivered to the United States authorities for trial and punishment.

Article 10. -Any slave in the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value.

Article 11. -In case of any trouble with subjects of the Sultan, the American authorities in the island will be instructed to make careful investigation before resorting to harsh measures, as in most cases serious trouble can thus be avoided.

Article 12. -At present, Americans or foreigners wishing to go into the country should state their wishes to the Moro authorities and ask for an escort, but it is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we know each other better.

Article 13. -The United States will give full protection to the Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation shall attempt to impose upon them.

Article 14. -The United States will not sell the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan of Jolo.

Article 15. -The United States Government will pay the following monthly salaries:
To the Sultan..	250	Mexican	Dollars.
To Dato Rajah Muda..	75	Mexican	Dollars.
To Dato Attik..	60	Mexican	Dollars.
To Dato Calbi..	75	Mexican	Dollars.
To Dato Joakanain..	75	Mexican	Dollars.
To Dato Puyo..	60	Mexican	Dollars.
To Dato Amir Hussin..	60	Mexican	Dollars.
To Hadji Butu..	50	Mexican	Dollars.
To Habile Mura..	40	Mexican	Dollars.
To Serif Saguin..	15	Mexican	Dollars.


J. C. BATES, Brig.-Gen. United States Volunteers. SULTAN OF JOLO. DATO RAJAH MUDA. DATO ATTIK. DATO CALBI. DATO JOAKANAIN.
Objections were raised to this treaty as sanctioning slavery and polygamy. The native Moros have also a firm belief that the man who dies in the act of killing Christians earns the best place in paradise.

The Paris Peace Commissioners' official report gives the evidence of Claes Ericsson, who described a recent visit he paid to Palawan island, in the Sulu Archipelago, where the ex-Sultan is supreme. He illustrates the kind of regal rule in those parts by this story:

"Unable to lodge the whole of his wives in the `palace,' his Highness boarded a few of them-not the prettiest, I suspect-in the houses of his followers. One of these peris, an outcast from the Palawan paradise through want of room, consoled herself in the usual way-quite innocently, I was assured. The news reaching the Sultan, he sent for the venturesome lover and smilingly bade him be seated opposite himself. Not being altogether an idiot, the man had come armed. From his sarong the jeweled handle of his kris protruded, plain to see. After a few complimentary commonplaces had been exchanged his Highness remarked the weapon:

"`Allah has been good to you, S'Ali,' he said. `Those emeralds are very fine, and the diamonds are as stars in the heavens. If the blade match the hilt, you have a treasure. Show it to me.'

"Thrown off his guard, S'Ali drew his kris from its sheath, and holding it by the wavy blade, presented it to the Sultan. Instantly half a dozen of his Highness' attendants threw themselves upon the unfortunate fellow. He was overpowered in a moment and his hands securely tied behind his back.

"`Take him out,' said the Sultan, still smiling.

"S'Ali was led away and lowered to the ground. Not a word did he utter. It was Kismet. Why waste his breath? I did not learn the manner of his death, by kris or bowstring. Let us hope it was the first. In the hands of a skilful executioner the kris is a merciful weapon. He was buried in the jungle behind the Sultan's `palace.'"

President Schurman writes of these Sulu chiefs as follows:

"On the other hand, as I have explained, in the south the tribal Indians are governed by hereditary datoes, sultans, or chieftains, and still remain almost unaffected by Spanish civilization. I visited the Sultan of Sulu, who is the most important of them. I told the Sultan I was the first American official to arrive there, and that we succeeded to Spanish authority in the archipelago; that we proposed to exercise all of our rights. On the other hand, I told the Sultan that I was instructed to declare that the United States would respect his rights and have regard for his religion and the customs of his people, and that I foresaw no circumstances which by any possibility could lead to the interruption of the friendly relations which I thought subsisted between us at the time. He reciprocated this expression of sentiment, and when I suggested further that we might have an agreement with him along the line of the Spanish agreement, a copy of which I had with me, and under which he lived before, he immediately acquiesced.

"I recommended to the President that the plan be adopted with the Sultan of Sulu and with the sultans, datoes, and chieftains of Mindanao and all these southern islands, and I recommended it because these chieftains could swing their people. The people render them obedience; they look up to them with reverence, and I know it would be vastly easier to deal with the individual hereditary rulers than with half a million or a million of semi-civilized barbarians. Shortly afterwards, General Bates went to the archi-pelago and made such an arrangement with the Sultan of Sulu and another chief. The problem, therefore, so far as these southern islands are concerned, is, for the time being, settled, but there still remains the vast majority of the people of the Philippine islands to deal with-the 6,500,000 of more or less civilized people occupying Luzon and the Visayan islands."

By a convention with Spain, signed at the Department of State, Washington, November 7, 1900, the United States became the owner of two more islands in the Pacific. They are the islands of Cagayan and Sibutu, near the Philippine Archipelago, and by some authorities regarded as part of the group. They were intentionally omitted from the treaty of Paris in the enumeration of Spain's possessions, which she was to turn over, because her title to them was not altogether clear. A thorough examination was made by eminent geographers, and it was decided that these two islands did not clearly belong to Spain. The United States authorities, after gaining possession of the Philippines, took a look at these two waifs in the ocean, and concluded to adopt them, especially as one of them, the island of Cagayan, furnished a fine harbor and a commanding naval base from which a maritime power could threaten the whole Philippine Archipelago. So the American flag was raised and the islands were annexed. Spain then discovered that she did have some title to them and claimed them. To avoid any complications, however, and more in the nature of a gratuity than of a purchase, this Government agreed to pay $100,000 for them.]

Oliver H. G. Leigh

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