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The Glory Of English Prose
20. Lord Brougham
by Coleridge, Stephen
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My Dear Antony,
I now come to speak of one whose fame was familiar to me as a
boy—the great Lord Brougham.—for he lived till 1868. I
remember that he was vehemently praised and blamed as a politician,
but with such matters others have dealt; in this letter, Antony, we
will concern ourselves with the glory of English prose as it poured
from Lord Brougham in two of his greatest speeches.
He was an orator whose voice was uplifted throughout a long and
strenuous life in condemnation of all the brutalities and
oppression of his time, and to whose eloquence the triumphant cause
of freedom stands for ever in deep obligation.
His great speech on Law Reform in the House of Commons, in 1828,
took six hours to deliver, and the concluding passage, which
mounted to a plane of lofty declamation, displayed no sign of
exhaustion, and was listened to with strained attention by an
absorbed and crowded audience:—
"The course is clear before us; the race is glorious to run. You
have the power of sending your name down through all times,
illustrated by deeds of higher fame, and more useful import, than
ever were done within these walls.
"You saw the greatest warrior of the age—conqueror of
Italy—humbler of Germany—terror of the North—saw
him account all his matchless victories poor, compared with the
triumph you are now in a condition to win—saw him contemn the
fickleness of fortune, while, in despite of her, he could pronounce
his memorable boast, 'I shall go down to posterity with the Code in
my hand!'
"You have vanquished him in the field; strive now to rival him
in the sacred arts of peace! Outstrip him as a lawgiver, whom in
arms you overcame! The lustre of the Regency will be eclipsed by
the more solid and enduring splendour of the Reign. The praise
which false courtiers feigned for our Edwards and Harrys, the
Justinians of their day, will be the just tribute of the wise and
the good to that monarch under whose sway so mighty an undertaking
shall be accomplished. Of a truth, the holders of sceptres are most
chiefly to be envied for that they bestow the power of thus
conquering, and ruling thus.
"It was the boast of Augustus—it formed part of the glare
in which the perfidies of his earlier years were lost,—that
he found Rome of brick, and left it of marble; a praise not
unworthy a great prince, and to which the present reign also has
its claims. But how much nobler will be the sovereign's boast when
he shall have it to say, that he found law dear, and left it cheap;
found it a sealed book—left it a living letter; found it the
patrimony of the rich—left it the inheritance of the poor;
found it the two-edged sword of craft and oppression—left it
the staff of honesty and the shield of innocence!
"To me, much reflecting on these things, it has always seemed a
worthier honour to be the instrument of making you bestir
yourselves in this high matter, than to enjoy all that office can
bestow—office, of which the patronage would be an irksome
encumbrance, the emoluments superfluous to one content with the
rest of his industrious fellow-citizens that his own hands minister
to his wants; and as for the power supposed to follow it—I
have lived near half a century, and I have learned that power and
place may be severed.
"But one power I do prize; that of being the advocate of my
countrymen here, and their fellow-labourers elsewhere, in those
things which concern the best interests of mankind. That power, I
know full well, no government can give—no change take
away!"
His speech on negro slavery made a deep impression upon the
country, and rose towards its termination, gradually, but with
ever-ascending periods, to a close of absolute majesty:—
"I regard the freedom of the negro as accomplished and sure.
Why? Because it is his right—because he has shown himself fit
for it; because a pretext, or a shadow of a pretext, can no longer
be devised for withholding that right from its possessor. I know
that all men at this day take a part in the question, and they will
no longer bear to be imposed upon, now they are well informed. My
reliance is firm and unflinching upon the great change which I have
witnessed—the education of the people, unfettered by party or
by sect—witnessed from the beginning of its progress, I may
say from the hour of its birth! Yes! It was not for a humble man
like me to assist at royal births with the illustrious Prince who
condescended to grace the pageant of this opening session, or the
great captain and statesman in whose presence I am now proud to
speak. But with that illustrious Prince, and with the father of the
Queen, I assisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. With
them, and with the head of the House of Russell, incomparably more
illustrious in my eyes, I watched over its cradle—I marked
its growth—I rejoiced in its strength—I witnessed its
maturity; I have been spared to see it ascend the very height of
supreme power; directing the councils of state; accelerating every
great improvement; uniting itself with every good work; propping
all useful institutions; extirpating abuses in all our
institutions; passing the bounds of our European dominion, and in
the New World, as in the Old, proclaiming that freedom is the
birthright of man—that distinction of colour gives no title
to oppression—that the chains now loosened must be struck
off, and even the marks they have left effaced—proclaiming
this by the same eternal law of our nature which makes nations the
masters of their own destiny, and which in Europe has caused every
tyrant's throne to quake!
"But they need feel no alarm at the progress of light who defend
a limited monarchy and support popular institutions—who place
their chiefest pride not in ruling over slaves, be they white or be
they black, not in protecting the oppressor, but in wearing a
constitutional crown, in holding the sword of justice with the hand
of mercy, in being the first citizen of a country whose air is too
pure for slavery to breathe, and on whose shores, if the captive's
foot but touch, his fetters of themselves fall off. To the
resistless progress of this great principle I look with a
confidence which nothing can shake; it makes all improvement
certain; it makes all change safe which it produces; for none can
be brought about unless it has been prepared in a cautious and
salutary spirit.
"So now the fulness of time is come for at length discharging
our duty to the African captive. I have demonstrated to you that
everything is ordered—every previous step taken—all
safe, by experience shown to be safe, for the long-desired
consummation. The time has come, the trial has been made, the hour
is striking; you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or
faltering, or delay. The slave has shown, by four years' blameless
behaviour, and devotion to the pursuits of peaceful industry, that
he is as fit for his freedom as any English peasant, ay, or any
lord whom I now address.
"I demand his rights; I demand his liberty without stint. In the
name of justice and of law—in the name of reason—in the
name of God, who has given you no right to work injustice; I demand
that your brother be no longer trampled upon as your slave! I make
my appeal to the Commons, who represent the free people of England;
and I require at their hands the performance of that condition for
which they paid so enormous a price—that condition which all
their constituents are in breathless anxiety to see fulfilled! I
appeal to this House. Hereditary judges of the first tribunal in
the world—to you I appeal for justice. Patrons of all the
arts that humanise mankind—under your protection I place
humanity herself! To the merciful Sovereign of a free people I call
aloud for mercy to the hundreds of thousands for whom half a
million of her Christian sisters have cried aloud—I ask that
their cry may not have risen in vain. But first I turn my eye to
the throne of all justice, and devoutly humbling myself before Him
who is of purer eyes than to behold such vast iniquities, I implore
that the curse hovering over the head of the unjust and the
oppressor be averted from us—that your hearts may be turned
to mercy—and that over all the earth His will may at length
be done!"
This is nobly to use noble gifts; it is difficult to think ill
of a man who can carry oratory for a glorious object to such
heights of splendour. It may seem a duty to some to darken his
character with detraction, but his inspiring words remain supreme
and unsullied and will still live when such faults as may be truly
laid to his charge are long forgotten. To fight for a great cause,
Antony, is rightly to use great powers, and this is what Lord
Brougham did with all his might.
Your loving old
G.P.
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