Pacification of Britain—Roman roads—London their centre—Authority for names—Watling
Street—Ermine Street—Icknield Way.
A. 1.—The work of Agricola inaugurated in Britain
that wonderful Pax Romana which is so unique a
phenomenon in the history of the world. That
Peace was not indeed in our island so long continued
or so unbroken as in the Mediterranean lands, where,
for centuries on end, no weapon was used in anger.
But even here swords were beaten into ploughshares
and spears into pruning-hooks to an extent never
known before or since in our annals. So profound
was the quiet that for a whole generation Britain
vanishes from history altogether. All through the
Golden Age of Rome, the reigns of Nerva and
Trajan, no writer even names her; and not till A.D.
120 do we find so much as a passing mention of our
country. But we may be sure that under such rulers
the good work of Agricola was developing itself upon
the lines he had laid down, and that Roman civilization
was getting an ever firmer hold. The population
was recovering from the frightful drain of the Conquest,
the waste cities were rebuilt, and new towns
sprang up all over the land, for the most part probably
on old British sites, connected by a network of roads,
no longer the mere trackways of the Britons, but
"streets" elaborately constructed and metalled.
A. 2.—All are familiar with the Roman roads of
Britain as they figure on our maps. Like our present
lines of railway, the main routes radiate in all directions
from London, and for a like reason; London
having been, in Roman days as now, the great commercial
centre of the country. The reason for this,
that it was the lowest place where the Thames could
be bridged, we have already referred to. 189
We see the Watling Street roughly corresponding to
the North-Western Railway on one side of the metropolis,
and to the South-Eastern on the other; the Ermine
Street corresponding to the Great Northern Railway;
while the Great Western, the South-Western, the
Great Eastern, and the Portsmouth branch of the
South Coast system are all represented in like manner.
We notice, perhaps, that, except the Watling Street
and the Ermine Street, all these routes are nameless;
though we find four minor roads with names crossing
England from north-east to south-west, and one from
north-west to south-east. The former are the Fosse
Way (from Grimsby on the Humber to Seaton on the
Axe), the Ryknield Street (from Newcastle-on-Tyne
to Caerleon-upon-Usk), the Akeman Street (from Wells
on the Wash to Aust on the Severn), and the Icknield
Way (from Norfolk to Dorset). The latter is the Via
Devana (from Chester to Colchester).
A. 3.—It comes as a surprise to most when we learn
that all these names (except the Watling Street, the
Fosse, and the Icknield Way only) are merely affixed
to their respective roads by the conjectures of
17th-century antiquarianism, Gale being their special
identifier. The names themselves (except in the case
of the Via Devana) are old, and three of them, the
Ermine Street, the Icknield Street, and the Fosse
Way, figure in the inquisition of 1070 as being,
together with the Watling Street, those of the Four
Royal Roads (quatuor chimini) of England, the King's
Highways, exempt from local jurisdiction and under
the special guard of the King's Peace. Two are said
to cross the length of the land, two its breadth. But
their identification (except in the case of the main
course of Watling Street) has been matter of antiquarian
dispute from the 12th century downwards.190
The very first chronicler who mentions them, Geoffrey
of Monmouth, makes Ermine Street run from St.
David's to Southampton, Icknield Street from St.
David's to Newcastle, and the Fosse Way from Totnes
in Devon to far Caithness; and his error has misled
many succeeding authorities. That it is an error, at
least with regard to the Icknield Way and the Fosse
Way, is sufficiently proved by the various mediaeval
charters which mention these roads in connection
with localities along their course as assigned by our
As to the main Watling Street there is no dispute.
Running right across the island from the Irish Sea191
to the Straits of Dover, it suggested to the minds of
our English ancestors the shining track of the Milky
Way from end to end of the heavens. Even so
Chaucer, in his 'House of Fame,' sings:
"Lo there!" quod he, "cast up your eye,
Se yonder, lo! the Galaxie,
The whiche men clepe the Milky Way,
For it is white, and some, parfay,
Y-callen han it Watlinge-strete."
At Dover it still retains its name, and so it does in one
part of its course through London (which it enters as
the Edgware Road, and leaves as the Old Kent Road). 192
A. 4.—This name, like that of the Ermine Street,
is most probably derived from Teutonic mythology;
the "Watlings" being the patrons of handicraft in the
Anglo-Saxon Pantheon, and "Irmin" the War-god from
whom "Germany" is called.193 There is no reason to
suppose that the roads of Britain had any Roman name,
like those of Italy. The designations given them by
our English forefathers show how deeply these mighty
works impressed their imagination. The term "street"
which they adopted for them shows, as Professor
Freeman has pointed out, that such engineering ability
was something quite new to their experience.194 It is
the Latin "Via strata" Anglicized, and describes no
mere track, but the elaborately constructed Roman
causeway, along which the soft alluvium was first dug
away, and its place taken by layers of graduated road
metal, with the surface frequently an actual pavement.195
A. 5.—For the assignment of the name Ermine
Street to the Great North Road there is no ancient
authority.196 All we can say is that this theory is more
probable than that set forth by Geoffrey of Monmouth.
That the road existed in Roman times is certain, as
London and York were the two chief towns in the
island; and direct communication between them must
have been of the first importance, both for military
and economical reasons. Indeed it is probably
older yet. (See p. 117.) But, with the exceptions
already pointed out, the nomenclature of the
Romano-British roads is almost wholly guess-work. Some
archaeological maps show additional Watling Streets
and Ermine Streets branching in all directions over
the land,197 presumably on the authority of local
tradition. And these traditions may be not wholly
unfounded; for the same motives which made the
English immigrants of one district ascribe the handiwork
of by-gone days to mythological powers might operate
to the like end in another.
A. 6.—The origin of the names Ryknield Street
and Akeman Street is beyond discovery;198 but that of
the Icknield Street is almost undoubtedly due to its
connection with the great Icenian tribe, to whose
territory it formed the only outlet.199 By them, in the
days of their greatness, it was probably driven to the
Thames, the more southerly extension being perhaps
later. It was never, as its present condition abundantly
testifies, made into a regular Roman "Street."
The final syllable may possibly, as Guest suggests, be
the A.S. hild = war.
A. 7.—Besides these main routes, a whole network
of minor roads must have connected the multitudinous
villages and towns of Roman Britain, a fact which is
borne witness to by the very roundabout route often
given in the 'Itinerary' of Antoninus between places
which we know were directly connected.200 Moreover
this network must have been at least as close as that
of our present railways, and probably approximated to
that of our present roads.
Romano-British towns—Ancient lists—Methods of identification—Dense rural population
—Remains in Cam valley—Coins—Thimbles—Horseshoes.
B. 1.—Of these many Romano-British towns we
have five contemporary lists; those of Ptolemy in the
2nd century, of the Antonine 'Itinerary' in the 3rd, of
the 'Notitia'201 in the 5th, and those of Nennius and of
the Ravenna Geographer, composed while the memory
of the Roman occupation was still fresh. Ptolemy
and Nennius profess to give complete catalogues; the
'Itinerary' and 'Notitia' contain only incidental
references; while the Ravenna list, though far the
most copious, is expressly stated to be composed only
of selected names. Of these it has no fewer than
236, while the 'Notitia' gives 118, Ptolemy 60, and
Nennius 28 (to which Marcus Anchoreta adds 5 more).
B. 2.—With this mass of material202 it might seem
to be an easy task to locate every Roman site in
Britain; especially as Ptolemy gives the latitude (and
sometimes the longitude203 also) of every place he
mentions, and the 'Itinerary' the distances between its
stations. Unfortunately it is quite otherwise; and of
the whole number barely fifty can be at all certainly
identified, while more than half cannot even be
guessed at with anything like reasonable probability.
To begin with, the text of every one of these authorities
is corrupt to a degree incredible; in Ptolemy we
find Nalkua, for example, where the 'Itinerary' and
Ravenna lists give Calleva; Simeni figures for
Iceni, Imensa for Tamesis. The 'Itinerary'
itself reads indiscriminately Segeloco and Ageloco,
Lagecio and Legeolio; and examples might be multiplied
indefinitely. In Nennius, particularly, the names are so
disguised that, with two or three exceptions, their
identification is the merest guess-work; Lunden is
unmistakable, and Ebroauc is obviously York; but
who shall say what places lie hid under Meguaid,
Urnath, Guasmoric, and Celemon? And
if this corruption is bad amongst the names, it absolutely
runs riot amongst the numbers, both in Ptolemy and the
'Itinerary,' so that the degrees of the former and
the distances of the latter are alike grievously
untrustworthy guides. Ptolemy, for example, says that
the longest day in London is 18 hours, an obvious mistake
for 17, as the context clearly shows. There is further
the actual equation of error in each authority:
Ptolemy, for all his care, has confused Exeter (Isca
Damnoniorum) with the more famous Isca Silurum
(Caerleon-on-Usk); and there are blunders in his
latitude and longitude which cannot wholly be
ascribed to textual corruption. Still another difficulty
is that then, as now, towns quite remote from each
other bore the same name, or names very similar.
Not only were two called Isca, but three were Venta,
two Calleva, two Segontium, and no fewer than seven
Magna; while Durobrivae is only too like to
Durocobrivae, Margiodunum to Moridunum,
Durnovaria to Durovernum, etc. The last name even
gets confounded with Dubris by transcribers.
B. 3.—In all the lists we are struck by the extraordinary
preponderance of northern names. Half the sites given by
Ptolemy lie north of the Humber, and this is also the case
with the Ravenna list, while in the 'Notitia' the proportion
is far greater. In the last case this is due to the fact
that the military garrisons, with which the catalogue is
concerned, were mainly quartered in the north, and a
like explanation probably holds good for the earlier
and later lists also. Nennius, as is to be expected,
draws most of his names from the districts which the Saxons
had not yet reached; all being given with the Celtic prefix
B. 4.—Amid all these snares the most certain identification
of a Roman site is furnished by the discovery
of inscriptions relating to the special troops with which
the name is associated in historical documents. When,
for example, we find in the Roman station at Birdoswald,
on the Wall of Hadrian, an inscription recording
the occupation of the spot by a Dacian cohort, and
read in the 'Notitia' that such a cohort was posted at
Amboglanna per lineam Valli, we are sure that
Amboglanna and Birdoswald are identical. This method,
unfortunately, helps us very little except on the Wall,
for the legionary inscriptions elsewhere are found in
many places with which history does not particularly
associate the individual legions thus commemorated.204
However, the special number of such traces of the
Second Legion at Caerleon, the Twentieth at Chester,
and the Sixth at York, would alone justify us in certainly
determining those places to be the Isca, Deva,
and Eboracum given as their respective head-quarters
in our documentary and historical evidence.
B. 5.—In the case of York another proof is available;
for the name, different as it sounds, can be
traced, by a continuous stream of linguistic development,
through the Old English Eorfowic to the Roman Eboracum.
In the same way the name of Dubris has unmistakably
survived in Dover, Lemannae in Lympne, Regulbium
in Reculver. Colonia, Glevum, Venta, Corinium,
Danum, and Mancunium, with the suffix "chester,"205
have become Colchester, Gloucester, Winchester, Cirencester,
Doncaster, and Manchester. Lincoln is Lindum Colonia,
Richborough, Ritupis; while the phonetic value of the
word London has remained absolutely unaltered from the very
first, and varies but slightly even in its historical orthography.
B. 6.—With names of this class, of which there are
about thirty, for a starting-point, we can next, by the
aid of our various lists (especially Ptolemy's, which
gives the tribe in which each town lies, and the
'Itinerary'), assign, with a very high degree of
probability, some thirty more—similarity of name being
still more or less of a guide. For example, when
midway between Venta (Winchester) and Sorbiodunum
(Sarum) the 'Itinerary' places Brige, and the name
Broughton now occupies this midway spot, Brige and
Broughton may be safely assumed to be the same.
This method shows Leicester to be the Roman Ratae,
Carlisle to be Luguvallum, Newcastle Pons Aelii, etc.,
with so much probability that none of these identifications
have been seriously disputed amongst antiquaries;
while few are found to deny that Cambridge
represents Camboricum,206 Huntingdon (or Godmanchester)
Durolipons, Silchester Calleva, etc. A list of
all the sites which may be said to be fairly certified
will be found at the end of this chapter.
B. 7.—Beyond them we come to about as many more
names in our ancient catalogues of which all we can
say is that we know the district to which they belong,
and may safely apply them to one or other of the
existing Roman sites in that district; the particular
application being disputed with all the heat of the
odium archaeologicum. Thus Bremetonacum was
certainly in Lancashire; but whether it is now Lancaster,
or Overborough, or Ribchester, we will not say;
Caesaromagum was certainly in Essex; but was it
Burghstead, Widford, or Chelmsford? And was the original
Camalodunum at Colchester, Lexden, or Maldon?
B. 8.—And, yet further, we find, especially in the
Ravenna list, multitudes of names with nothing whatever
to tell us of their whereabouts; though nearly all
have been seized upon by rival antiquaries, and ascribed
to this, that, and the other of the endless Roman sites
which meet us all over the country.207
B. 9.—For it must be remembered that there are
very few old towns in England where Roman remains
have not been found, often in profusion; and even
amongst the villages such finds are exceedingly common
wherever excavations on any large scale have
been undertaken. Thus in the Cam valley, where
the "coprolite" digging208 resulted in the systematic
turning over of a considerable area, their number
is astounding, proving the existence of a teeming
population. Many thousands of coins were turned up,
scarcely ever in hordes, but scattered singly all over
the land, testifying to the amount of petty traffic which
must have gone on generation after generation. For
these coins are very rarely of gold or silver, and
amongst them are found the issues of every Roman
Emperor from Augustus to Valentinian III. And,
besides the coins, the soil was found to teem with
fragments of Roman pottery; while the many "ashpits"
discovered—as many as thirty in a single not
very large field—have furnished other articles of
domestic use, such as thimbles.209 Even horseshoes
have been found, though their use only came in with
the 5th century of our era.210
B. 10.—Now there is no reason for supposing that
the Cam valley was in any way an exceptionally
prosperous or populous district in the Roman period.
It contained but one Roman town of even third-class
importance, Cambridge, and very few of the "villas"
in which the great landed proprietors resided. The
wealth of remains which it has furnished is merely a
by-product of the "coprolite" digging, and it is
probable that equally systematic digging would have
like results in almost any alluvial district in the island.
We may therefore regard it as fairly established that
these districts were as thickly peopled under the
Romans as at any other period of history, and that
the agricultural population of our island has never
been larger than in the 3rd and 4th centuries, till its
great development in the 19th.
Fortification of towns late—Chief Roman centres—London—York—Chester—Bath—Silchester
—Remains there found—Romano-British handicrafts—Pottery—Basket work—Mining—Rural
life—Villas—Forests—Hunting dogs—Husbandry—Britain under the Pax Romana.
C. 1.—The profound peace which reigned in these
rural districts is shown by the fact that Roman
weapons are the rarest of all finds, far less common
than the earlier British or the ensuing Saxon.211 At
the same time it is worthy of note that every Roman
town which has been excavated has been found to be
fortified, often on a most formidable scale. Thus at
London there still remains visible a sufficiently large
fragment of the wall to show that it must have been
at least thirty feet high, while that of Silchester was nine
feet thick, with a fosse of no less than thirty yards in
width. And at Cirencester the river Churn or Corin
(from which the town took its name Corinium) was
made to flow round the ramparts, which consisted
first of an outer facing of stone, then of a core of
concrete, and finally an earthen embankment within,
the whole reaching a width of at least four yards. It
is probable, however, that these defences, like those
of so many of the Gallic cities, and like the Aurelian
walls of Rome itself; belong to the decadent period of
Roman power, and did not exist (except in the
northern garrisons and the great legionary stations,
York, Chester, and Caerleon) during the golden age of
C. 2.—Their circuit, where it has been traced,
furnishes a rough gauge of the comparative importance
of the Roman towns of Britain. Far at the
head stands London, where the names of Ludgate,
Newgate, Aldersgate, Moorgate, Bishopsgate, and Aldgate
still mark the ancient boundary line, five miles
in extent (including the river-front), nearly twice
that of any other town.213 And abundant traces of
the existence of a flourishing suburb have been
discovered on the southern bank of the river. To
London ran nearly all the chief Roman roads, and
the shapeless block now called London Stone was
once the Milliarium from which the distances were
reckoned along their course throughout the land.214
C. 3.—The many relics of the Roman occupation
to be seen in the Museum at the Guildhall bear
further testimony to the commercial importance of
the City in those early days, an importance primarily
due, as we have already seen, to the natural facilities
for crossing the Thames at London Bridge.215 The
greatness of Roman London seems, however, to
have been purely commercial. We do not even
know that it was the seat of government for its
own division of Britain. It was not a Colony, nor
(in spite of the exceptional strength of the site, surrounded,
as it was, by natural moats)216 does it ever
appear as of military importance till the campaign of
Theodosius at the very end of the chapter.217 In the
'Notitia' it figures as the head-quarters of the
Imperial Treasury, and about the same date we learn
that the name Augusta had been bestowed upon the
town, as on Caerleon and on so many others throughout
the Empire, though the older "London" still
C. 4.—But, so far as Britain had a recognized
capital at all, York and not London best deserved
that name. For here was the chief military nerve-centre
of the land, the head-quarters of the Army,
where the Commander-in-Chief found himself in ready
touch with the thick array of garrisons holding every
strategic point along the various routes by which any
invader who succeeded in forcing the Wall would
penetrate into the land. At York, accordingly, the
Emperors who visited Britain mostly held their court;
beginning with Hadrian, who here established the
Sixth Legion which he had brought over with him,
possibly incorporating with it the remains of the
Ninth, traces of which are here found. And here
it remained permanently quartered to the very end of
the Roman occupation, as abundant inscriptions, etc.
testify. One of these, found in the excavations for
the railway station, is a brass tablet with a dedication
(in Greek) to The Gods of the Head Praetorium [theois
tois tou haegemonikou praitoriou], bearing witness to the
essential militarism of the city.
C. 5.—A Praetorium, moreover, was not merely a
military centre. It was also, as at Jerusalem, a
Judgment Hall; and here, probably, the Juridicus
Britanniae219 exercised his functions, which would seem
to have been something resembling those of a Lord
Chief Justice. Precedents laid down by his Court
are quoted as still in force even by the Codex of
Justinian (555). One of these incidentally lets us
know that the Romans kept up not only a British
Army, but a British Fleet in being.220 The latter,
probably, as well as the former, had its head-quarters
at York, where the Ouse of old furnished a far more
available waterway than now. Even so late as 1066
the great fleet of Harold Hardrada could anchor only
a few miles off, at Riccall: and there is good evidence
that in the Roman day the river formed an extensive
"broad" under the walls of York itself. As at
Portsmouth and Plymouth to-day, the presence of
officers and seamen of the Imperial Navy must have
added to the military bustle in the streets of Eboracum;
while tesselated pavements, unknown in the ruder
fortresses of the Wall, testify to the softer side of
social life in a garrison town.
C. 6.—Chester [Deva] was also a garrison town,
the head-quarters of the Twentieth Legion; so was
Caerleon-upon-Usk [Isca], with the Second. A detachment
was almost certainly detailed from one or other
of these to hold Wroxeter [Uriconium], midway
between them;221 thus securing the line of the Marches
between the wild districts of Wales and the more
fertile and settled regions eastward. And the name of
Leicester records the fact (not otherwise known to us)
that here too was a military centre; probably sufficient
to police the rest of the island.222
C. 7.—Gloucester, Colchester, and Lincoln, as
being Colonies, may have been also, perhaps, always
fortified, and possibly garrisoned. But in the ordinary
Romano-British town, such as London, Silchester, or
Bath,223 the life was probably wholly civilian. The
fortifications, if the place ever had any, were left to
decay or removed, the soldiery were withdrawn or
converted into a mere gendarmerie, and under the
shield of the Pax Romana, the towns were as open as
now. And as little as now did they look forward to
a time when each would have to become a strongly-held
place of arms girded in by massive ramparts,
yet destined to prove all too weak against the sweep
of barbarian invasion.
C. 8.—On most of these sites continuous occupation
for many subsequent ages has blotted out the vestiges
of their Roman day. Every town has a tendency
literally to bury its past; and the larger the town
the deeper the burial. Thus at London the Roman
pavements, etc. found are some twenty feet below
the present surface, at Lincoln some six or seven, and
so forth. To learn how a Roman town was actually
laid out we must have recourse to those places which
for some reason have not been resettled since their
destruction at the Anglo-Saxon conquest, such as
Wroxeter and Silchester, where the remains accordingly
lie only a foot or two below the ground. The
former has been little explored, but the latter has for
the last ten years been systematically excavated under
the auspices of the Society of Antiquaries, the portions
unearthed being reburied year by year, after careful
examination and record.224
C. 9.—The greater part of the site has thus been
already (1903) dealt with; proving the town to have
been laid out on a regular plan, with straight streets
dividing it, like an American city, into rectangular
blocks. Twenty-eight of these have, so far, been
excavated. They are from 100 to 150 yards in length
and breadth, arranged, like the blocks in a modern
town, with houses all round, and a central space
for gardens, back-yards, etc. The remains found
(including coins from Caligula to Arcadius) prove that
the site was occupied during the whole of the Roman
period. Originally it was, in all probability, one of
the towns built for the Britons by Agricola225 on the
distinctive Roman pattern, with a central forum, town
hall, baths, temples, and an amphitheatre outside the
C. 10.—The forum was flanked by a vast basilica, no
less than 325 feet in length by 125 in breadth, with
apses of 39 feet radius.226 A smaller edifice of basilican
type is generally supposed to have been a Christian
church. It stands east and west, and consists of a
nave 30 feet long by 10 broad, flanked by 5-feet
aisles, with a narthex of 7 feet (extending right across
the building) at the east end, and at the west an apse
of 10 feet radius, having in the centre a tesselated
pavement 6 feet square, presumably for the Altar.227
C. 11.—The main street of Silchester ran east
and west, and may have been the main road from
London to Bath; while that which crosses it at the
forum was perhaps an extension of the Icknield Way
from Wallingford to Winchester. A third road led
straight to Old Sarum,228 and there may have been
others. Silchester lies about half-way between
Reading and Basingstoke.
C. 12.—The relics of domestic life found indicate
a high order of peaceful civilization. Abundance
of domestic pottery (some of it the glazed ware
manufactured at Caistor on the Nen), many bones of
domestic animals (amongst them the cat),229 finger-rings
with engraved gems, and the like, have been
discovered in the old wells230 and ashpits. More
remarkable was the unearthing (in 1899) of the plant
of a silver refinery,231 showing that the method employed
was analogous to that in vogue amongst the Japanese
to-day, and that bone-ash was used in the construction
of the hearths.232 The houses were mainly built of red
clay (on a foundation wall of flint and mortar) filled
into a timber frame-work and supported by lath or
wattle. The exterior was stamped with ornamental
patterns, as in modern "parjetting" (which may thus
very possibly be an actual survival from Roman days).
This clay has in most cases soaked away into a mere
layer of red mud overlying the pavements; but in
1901 there was unearthed a house in which a fortunate
fire had calcined it into permanent brick, still
retaining the parjetting and the impress of wattle and
timber. But the whole site has not provided a single
weapon of any sort or kind, and the construction of
the defences clearly shows that they formed no part
of the original plan on which the place was laid out.233
They were probably, as we have said, added at the
break up of the Pax Romana.
C. 13.—With the exception of the silver refinery
above mentioned, nothing has appeared to tell us
what handicrafts were practised at Silchester; but
such industries formed a noteworthy feature of
Romano-British life. Naturally the largest traces have
been left in connection with that most imperishable of
all commodities, pottery. The kilns where it was made
are frequently met with in excavations; and individual
vases, jugs,234 cups, and amphorae (often of very large
dimensions) constantly appear. Many of these are
beautifully modelled and finished, and not unseldom
glazed in various ways. But there is no evidence
that the delicate "Samian" ware235 was ever manufactured
in Britain, though every house of any pretensions
possessed a certain store of it. The indigenous
art of basket-making236 also continued as a speciality
of Britain under the Romans, and the indigenous
mining for tin, lead, iron, and copper was developed
by them on the largest scale. In every district where
these metals are found, in Cornwall, in Somerset, in
Wales, in Derbyshire, and in Sussex, traces of Roman
work are apparent, dating from the very beginning of
the occupation to the very end. The earliest known
Roman inscription found in Britain is one of A.D. 49
(the year before Ostorius subdued the Iceni) on a pig
of lead from the Mendips,237 and similar pigs bearing
the Labarum, i.e. not earlier than Constantine
presumably, have been dredged up in the Thames below
London.238 Inscriptions also survive to tell us of a
few amongst the many other trades which must have
figured in Romano-British life,—goldsmiths, silversmiths,
iron-workers, stone-cutters, sculptors, architects,
eye-doctors, are all thus commemorated.239
C. 14.—But then, as always, the life of Britain was
mainly rural. The evidence for this unearthed in the
Cam valley has already been spoken of, and in every
part of England the "villas" of the great Roman
landowners are constantly found. Hundreds have
already been discovered, and year by year the list is
added to. One of the most recent of the finds is that
at Greenwich in 1901, and the best known, perhaps,
that at Brading in the Isle of Wight. Here, as elsewhere,
the tesselated pavements, the elaborate arrangements
for warming (by hypocausts conveying
hot air to every room), the careful laying out of the
apartments, all testify to the luxury in which these old
landlords lived. For the "villa" was the Squire's
Hall of the period, and was provided, like the great
country houses of to-day, with all the best that
contemporary life could give.240 And, like these
also, it was the centre of a large circle of humbler
dependencies wherein resided the peasantry of the estate
and the domestics of the mansion.241 The existence
amongst these of huntsmen (as inscriptions tell)
reminds us that not only was the chase, then as now,
popular amongst the squirearchy, but that there was
a far larger scope for its exercise. Great forests still
covered a notable proportion of the soil (the largest
being that which spread over the whole Weald of
Sussex)242, and were tenanted by numberless deer and
wild swine, along with the wolves, and, perhaps,
bears,243 that fed upon them.
C. 15.—Hence it came about that during the
Roman occupation the British products we find
most spoken of by classical authors are the famous
breeds of hunting-dogs produced by our island.
Oppian244 [A.D. 140] gives a long description of one
sort, which he describes as small [baion],
awkward [guron], long-bodied, rough-haired,
not much to look at, but excellent at scenting out their
game and tackling it when found—like our present
otter-hounds. The native name for this strain was Agasseus.
Nemesianus245 [A.D. 280] sings the swiftness of British
hounds; and Claudian246 refers to a more, formidable
kind, used for larger game, equal indeed to pulling
down a bull. He is commonly supposed to mean
some species of mastiff; but, according to Mr. Elton247
mastiffs are a comparatively recent importation from
Central Asia, so that a boarhound of some sort is
more probably intended, such as may be seen depicted
(along with its smaller companion) on the fine
tesselated pavement preserved in the Corinium
Museum at Cirencester.248 Whatever the creature was,
it is probably the same as the Scotch "fighting dog,"
which figures in the 4th century polemics as a huge
massive brute of savage temper249 and evil odour,250
to which accordingly controversialists rejoice in likening
their ecclesiastical opponents.251 Jerome incidentally
tells us that "Alpine" dogs were of this Scotch
breed, which thus may possibly be the original strain
now developed into the St. Bernard.
C. 16.—But the existence of such tracts of forest,
even when very extensive, is quite compatible (as the
present state of France shows us) with a highly
developed civilization, and a population thick upon
the ground. And that a very large area of our soil
came to be under the plough at least before the
Roman occupation ended is proved by the fact that
eight hundred wheat-ships were dispatched from this
island by Julian the Apostate for the support of his
garrisons in Gaul. The terms in which this transaction
is recorded suggest that wheat was habitually exported
(on a smaller scale, doubtless) from Britain to the
Continent. At all events enough was produced for
home consumption, and under the shadow of the
Pax Romana the wild and warlike Briton became a
quiet cultivator of the ground, a peaceful and not
discontented dependent of the all-conquering Power
which ruled the whole civilized world.
C. 17.—In the country the husbandman ploughed
and sowed and reaped and garnered,252 sometimes as a
freeholder, oftener as a tenant; the miller was found
upon every stream; the fisher baited his hook and
cast his net in fen and mere; the Squire hunted and
feasted amid his retainers (who were usually slaves);
his wife and daughters occupied themselves in the
management of the house. The language of Rome
was everywhere spoken, the literature of Rome was
read amongst the educated classes; while amongst
the peasantry the old Celtic tongue, and with it, we
may be sure, the old Celtic legends and songs, held
its own. Intercourse was easy between the various
districts; for along every great road a series of posting-stations,
each with its stud of relays, was available for
the service of travellers. In the towns were to be
found schools, theatres, and courts of justice, with
shops of every sort and kind, while travelling pedlars
supplied the needs of the rural districts. No one,
except actual soldiers, dreamt of bearing arms, or
indeed was allowed to do so,253 and the general aspect
of the land was as wholly peaceful as now. But
every one had to pay a substantial proportion of his
income in taxes, in the collection of which there was
not seldom a notable amount of corruption, as
amongst the publicans of Judaea. In the bad days
of the decadence this became almost intolerable;254
but so long as the central administration retained its
integrity the amount exacted was no more than left to
every class a fair margin for the needs, and even the
enjoyments, of life.
The unconquered North—Hadrian's Wall—Upper and Lower Britain—Romano-British coinage—Wall
of Antoninus—Britain Pro-consular.
D. 1.—The weak point of all this peaceful development
was that the northern regions of the island
remained unsubdued. It was all very well for the
Roman Treasury, with true departmental shortsightedness,
to declare (as Appian255 reports) that North Britain
was a worthless district, which could never be profitable
[euphoron] to hold. The cost
would have been cheap in the end. All through
the Roman occupation it was from the north that
trouble was liable to arise, and ultimately it was
the ferocious independence of the Highland clans
that brought Roman Britain to its doom. The
Saxons, as tradition tells us, would never have been
invited into the land but for the ravages of these Picts;
and, in sober history, it may well be doubted whether
they could ever have effected a permanent settlement
here had not the Britons, in defending our shores,
been constantly exposed to Pictish attacks from the
D. 2.—Thus our earliest notice of Britain in this
period tells us that Hadrian (A.D. 120), our first
Imperial visitor since Claudius (A.D. 44), found it
needful (after a revolt which cost many lives, and
involved, as it seems, the final destruction of the
unlucky Ninth Legion, which had already fared so
badly in Boadicea's rebellion256) to supplement Agricola's
rampart, between Forth and Clyde, with another
from sea to sea, between Tynemouth and Solway,
"dividing the Romans from the barbarians."257 This
does not mean that the district thus isolated was
definitely abandoned,258 but that its inhabitants were
so imperfectly Romanized that the temptation to raid
the more civilized lands to the south had better be
obviated. The Wall of Hadrian marked the real
limit of Roman Britain: beyond it was a "march,"
sometimes strongly, more often feebly, garrisoned, but
never effectually occupied, much less civilized. The
inhabitants, indeed, seem to have rapidly lost what
civilization they had. Dion Cassius describes them,
in the next generation, as far below the Caledonians
who opposed Agricola, a mere horde of squalid and
ferocious cannibals,259 going into battle stark-naked
(like their descendants the Galwegians a thousand
years later),260 having neither chief nor law, fields nor
houses. The name Attacotti, by which they came
finally to be known, probably means Tributary, and
describes their nominal status towards Rome.
D. 3.—How hopeless the task of effectually
incorporating these barbarians within the Empire
appeared to Hadrian is shown by the extraordinary
massiveness of the Wall which he built261 to keep them
out from the civilized Provinces262 to the southwards.
"Uniting the estuaries of Tyne and Solway it chose
the strongest line of defence available. Availing
itself of a series of bold heights, which slope steadily
to the south, but are craggy precipices to the north,
as if designed by Nature for this very purpose, it
pursued its mighty course across the isthmus with
a pertinacious, undeviating determination which makes
its remains unique in Europe, and one of the most
inspiriting scenes in Britain."263 Its outer fosse
(where the nature of the ground permits) is from 30
to 40 feet wide and some 20 deep, so sloped that the
whole was exposed to direct fire from the Wall, from
which it is separated by a small glacis [linea] 10 or 12
feet across. Beyond it the upcast earth is so disposed
as to form the glacis proper, for about 50 feet before
dipping to the general ground level. The Wall itself
is usually 8 feet thick, the outer and inner faces
formed of large blocks of freestone, with an interior
core of carefully-filled-in rubble. The whole thus
formed a defence of the most formidable character,
testifying strongly to the respect in which the valour
of the Borderers against whom it was constructed was
held by Hadrian and his soldiers.264
D. 4.—This expedition of Hadrian is cited by his
biographer, Aelius Spartianus, as the most noteworthy
example of that invincible activity which led him to
take personal cognizance of every region in his
Empire: "Ante omnes enitebatur ne quid otiosum vel
emeret aliquando vel pasceret." His contempt for
slothful self-indulgence finds vent in his reply to the
doggerel verses of Florus, who had written:
|Ego nolo Caesar esse, || ["To be Caesar I'd not care,|
|Ambulare per Britannos, || Through the Britons far to fare,|
|Scythicas pati pruinas. || Scythian frost and cold to bear."]|
Hadrian made answer:
|Ego nolo Florus esse, || ["To be Florus I'd not care,|
|Ambulare per tabernas, || Through the tavern-bars to fare,|
|Cimices pati rotundas. || Noxious insect-bites to bear."]|
To us its special interest (besides the Wall) is
found in the bronze coins commemorating the occasion,
the first struck with special reference to Britain
since those of Claudius. These are of various types,
but all of the year 120 (the third Consulate of Hadrian);
and the reverse mostly represents the figure so familiar
on our present bronze coinage, Britannia, spear in
hand, on her island rock, with her shield beside her.265
This type was constantly repeated with slight variations
in the coinage of the next hundred years; and
thus, when, after an interval of twelve centuries, the
British mint began once more, in the reign of Charles
the Second, to issue copper, this device was again
adopted, and still abides with us. The very large
number of types (approaching a hundred) of the
Romano-British coinage, from this reign to that of
Caracalla, shows that Hadrian inaugurated the system
of minting coins not only with reference to Britain,
but for special local use. They were doubtless struck
within the island; but we can only conjecture where
the earliest mints were situated.
D. 5.—Twenty years after Hadrian's visit we again
find (A.D. 139) some little trouble in the north,
owing to a feud between the Brigantes and Genuini,
a clan of whom nothing is known but the name.
The former seem to have been the aggressors, and
were punished by the confiscation of a section of their
territory by Lollius Urbicus, the Legate of Antoninus
Pius; who further "shut off the excluded barbarians
by a turf wall" (muro cespitio submotis266 barbaris
ducto). The context connects this operation with the
Brigantian troubles; but it is certain that Lollius
repaired and strengthened Agricola's rampart between
Forth and Clyde. His name is found in inscriptions
along that line,267 and that of Antoninus is frequent.
This work consisted of a vallum some 40 miles in
length, from Carriden to Dumbarton, with fortified
posts at frequent intervals. It is locally known as
"Graham's Dyke," and, since 1890, has been systematically
explored by the Glasgow Archaeological Society. It is in
the strictest sense "a turf wall"—no mere grass-grown
earthwork, but regularly built of squared sods in place
of stones (sometimes on a stone base). Roman engineers
looked upon such a rampart as being the hardest of all
Commodus Britannicus—Ulpius Marcellus—Murder of Perennis—Era of military turbulence
—Pertinax—Albinus—British Army defeated at Lyons—Severus—Caledonian war—Severus
E. 1.—It may very probably be owing to the
energy of Lollius that Britain, "Upper" and "Lower"
together as it seems, as inscriptions tell us, was about
this date ranked amongst the Senatorial Provinces of
the Empire, the Pro-consul being C. Valerius Pansa.
That it should have been made a Pro-consulate
shows (as is pointed out on p. 142) that they were
now considered amongst the more peaceful governorships.
In fact, though some slight disturbances
threatened at the death of Antoninus (A.D. 161), the
country remained quiet till Commodus came to the
throne (A.D. 180). Then, however, we hear of a
serious inroad of the northern barbarians, who burst
over the Roman Wall and were not repulsed without
a hard campaign. The Roman commander was
Ulpius Marcellus, a harsh but devoted officer, who
fared like a common soldier, and insisted on the
strictest vigilance, being himself "the most sleepless
of generals."268 The British Army, accordingly, swore
by him, and were minded to proclaim him Emperor,
a matter which all but cost him his life at the hands
of Commodus; who, however, contented himself with
assuming, like Claudius, the title of Britannicus, in
virtue of this success. The further precaution was
taken of cashiering not only Ulpius but all the
superior officers of this dangerous army; men of
lower rank and less influence being substituted. The
soldiers, however, defeated the design by breaking
out into open mutiny, and tearing to pieces the
"enemy of the Army," Perennis, Praefect of the
Praetorian Guards, who had been sent from Rome
(A.D. 185) to carry out the reform.269
E. 2.—This episode shows us how great a solidarity
the Army of Britain had by this time developed. It
was always the policy of Imperial Rome to recruit
the forces stationed throughout the Provinces not
from the natives around them, but from those of
distant regions. Inscriptions tell that the British
Legions were chiefly composed of Spaniards, Aquitanians,
Gauls, Frisians, Dalmatians, and Dacians; while from
the 'Notitia' we know that, in the 5th century, such
distant countries as Mauretania, Libya, and even Assyria,270
furnished contingents. Britons, in turn, served in Gaul,
Spain, Illyria, Egypt, and Armenia, as well as in Rome itself.
E. 3.—The outburst which led to the slaughter of
Perennis was but the dawn of a long era of military
turbulence in Britain. First came the suppression of
the revolt A.D. 187 by the new Legate,271 Pertinax,
who, at the peril of his life, refused the purple offered
him by the mutineers,272 and drafted fifteen hundred of
the ringleaders into the Italian service of Commodus;273
then Commodus died (A.D. 192), and Pertinax
became one of the various pretenders to the Imperial
throne; then followed his murder by Julianus, while
Albinus succeeded to his pretensions as well as
to his British government; then that of Julianus by
Severus; then the desperate struggle between Albinus
and Severus for the Empire; the crushing defeat
(A.D. 197) of the British Army at Lyons, the death
of Albinus,274 and the final recognition of Severus275
as the acknowledged ruler of the whole Roman
E. 4.—Of all the Roman Emperors Severus is the
most closely connected with Britain. The long-continued
political and military confusion amongst
the conquerors had naturally excited the independent
tribes of the north. In A.D. 201 the Caledonians
beyond Agricola's rampart threatened it so seriously
that Vinius Lupus, the Praetor, was fain to buy off
their attack; and, a few years later, they actually
joined hands with the nominally subject Meatae within
the Pale, who thereupon broke out into open rebellion,
and, along with them, poured down upon the civilized
districts to the south. So extreme was the danger
that the Prefect of Britain sent urgent dispatches to
Rome, invoking the Emperor's own presence with the
whole force of the Empire.
E. 5.—Severus, in spite of age and infirmity,276 responded
to the call, and, in a marvellously short time,
appeared in Britain, bringing with him his worthless
sons, Caracalla277 and Geta278—"my Antonines," as he
fondly called them,279 though his life was already
embittered by their wickedness,—and Geta's yet more
worthless mother, Julia Domna. Leaving her and
her son in charge south of Hadrian's Wall, Severus and
Caracalla undertook a punitive expedition280 beyond it,
characterized by ferocity so exceptional281 that the names
both of Caledonians and Meatae henceforward disappear
from history. The Romans on this occasion
penetrated further than even Agricola had gone, and
reached Cape Wrath, where Severus made careful
E. 6.—But the cost was fearful. Fifty thousand
Roman soldiers perished through the rigour of the
climate and the wiles of the desperate barbarians; and
Severus felt the north so untenable that he devoted
all his energies to strengthening Hadrian's Wall,283 so as
to render it an impregnable barrier beyond which the
savages might be allowed to range as they pleased.284
E. 7.—In what, exactly, his additions consisted we
do not know, but they were so extensive that his name
is no less indissolubly connected with the Wall than
that of Hadrian. The inscriptions of the latter found
in the "Mile Castles" show that the line was his
work, and that he did not merely, as some have
thought, build the series of "stations" to support the
"Vallum." But it is highly probable that Severus so
strengthened the Wall both in height and thickness as
to make it285 far more formidable than Hadrian had
left it. For now it was intended to be the actual limes
of the Empire.
Severus completes Hadrian's Wall—Mile Castles—Stations—Garrison—Vallum—Rival theories
—Evidence—Remains—Coins—Altars—Mithraism—Inscription to Julia Domna—"Written Rock"
on Gelt—Cilurnum aqueduct.
F. 1.—It is to Severus, therefore, that we owe the
final development of this magnificent rampart, the
mere remains of which are impressive so far beyond
all that description or drawing can tell. Only those
who have stood upon the heights by Peel Crag and
seen the long line of fortification crowning ridge after
ridge in endless succession as far as the eye can reach,
can realize the sense of the vastness and majesty of
Roman Imperialism thus borne in upon the mind.
And if this is so now that the Wall is a ruin scarcely
four feet high, and, but for its greater breadth,
indistinguishable from the ordinary local field-walls,
what must it have been when its solid masonry rose to a
height of over twenty feet; with its twenty-three strong
fortresses286 for the permanent quarters of the garrison,
its great gate-towers287 at every mile for the accommodation
of the detachments on duty, and its series of
watch-turrets which, at every three or four hundred
yards, placed sentinels within sight and call of each
other along the whole line from sea to sea?
F. 2.—Of all this swarming life no trace now
remains. So entirely did it cease to be that the very
names of the stations have left no shadow of memories
on their sites. Luguvallum at the one end, and Pons
Aelii at the other, have revived into importance as
Carlisle and Newcastle,288 but of the rest few indeed
remain save as solitary ruins on the bare Northumbrian
fells tenanted only by the flock and the curlew.
But this very solitude in which their names have
perished has preserved to us the means of recovering
them. Thanks to it there is no part of Britain so
rich in Roman remains and Roman inscriptions. At no
fewer than twelve of these "stations" such have been
already found relating to troops whom we know from
the 'Notitia' to have been quartered at given spots
per lineam valli. A Dacian cohort (for example) has
thus left its mark at Birdoswald, and an Asturian at
Chesters, thereby stamping these sites as respectively
the Amboglanna and Cilurnum, whose Dacian and
Asturian garrisons the 'Notitia' records. The old walls
of Cilurnum, moreover, are still clothed with a pretty
little Pyrenaean creeper, Erinus Hispanicus, which these
Asturian exiles must have brought with them as a
memorial of their far-off home.
F. 3.—Many such small but vivid touches of the
past meet those who visit the Wall. At "King Arthur's
Well," for example, near Thirlwall, the tiny chives
growing in the crevices of the rock are presumably
descendants of those acclimatized there by Roman
gastronomy. At Borcovicus ("House-steads") the
wheel-ruts still score the pavement; at Cilurnum the
hypocaust of the bath is still blackened with smoke,
and at various points the decay of Roman prestige is
testified to by the walling up of one half or the other
in the wide double gates which originally facilitated
the sorties of the garrisons.
F. 4.—- The same decay is probably the key to the
problem of the "Vallum," that standing crux to all
archaeological students of the Wall. Along the whole
line this mysterious earthwork keeps company with
the Wall on the south, sometimes in close contact,
sometimes nearly a mile distant. It has been diversely
explained as an earlier British work, as put up by the
Romans to cover the fatigue-parties engaged in building
the Wall, and as a later erection intended to
defend the garrison against attacks from the rear.
Each of these views has been keenly debated; the
last having the support of the late Dr. Bruce, the
highest of all authorities on the mural antiquities.
And excavations, even the very latest, have produced
results which are claimed by each of the rival theories.289
F. 5.—Quite possibly all are in measure true. The
"Vallum" as we now see it is obviously meant for
defence against a southern foe. But the spade has
given abundant evidence that the rampart has been
altered, and that, in many places at least, it at one
time faced northwards. Though not an entirely
satisfactory solution of the problem, the following
sequence of events would seem, on the whole, best
to explain the phenomena with which we are confronted.
Originally a British earthwork290 defending the
Brigantes against the cattle-lifting raids of their restless
northern neighbours, the "Vallum" was adapted291
for like purposes by the Romans, and that more than
once. After being thus utilized, first, perhaps, by
Agricola, and afterwards by Hadrian (for the protection
of his working-parties engaged in quarrying
stone for the outer fortifications), it became useless
when the Wall was finally completed,292 and remained
a mere unfortified mound so long as the Roman
power in Southern Britain continued undisturbed.
But when the garrison of the Wall became liable to
attacks from the rear, the "Vallum" was once more
repaired, very probably by Theodosius,293 and this time
with a ditch to the south, to enable the soldiers to
meet, if needful, a simultaneous assault of Picts in
front and Scots294 or Saxons behind. Weak though
it was as compared to the Wall, it would still
take a good deal of storming, if stoutly held, and
would effectually guard against any mere raid both
the small parties marching along the Military Way295
from post to post, and the cattle grazing along the
rich meadows which frequently lie between the two
lines of fortification.
F.6.—As we have said, the line of country thus
occupied teems with relics of the occupation. Coins
by the thousand, ornaments, fragments of statuary,
inscriptions to the Emperors, to the old Roman gods,
to the strange Pantheistic syncretisms of the later
Mithraism296, to unknown (perhaps local) deities such
as Coventina, records of this, that, and the other body
of troops in the garrison, personal dedications and
memorials—all have been found, and are still constantly
being found, in rich abundance. Of the whole number of
Romano-British inscriptions known, nearly half belong
to the Wall.297
F.7.—As an example of these inscriptions we
may give one discovered at Caervoran (the Roman
Magna), and now in the Newcastle Antiquarian
Museum,298 the interpretation of which has been a
matter of considerable discussion amongst antiquaries.
It is written in letters of the 3rd century and runs
IMMINET · LEONIVIRGO · CAELES
TI · SITV SPICIFERA · IVSTI · IN
VENTRIXVRBIVM · CONDITRIX
EXQVISMVNERIBVS · NOSSECON
TIGITDEOS · ERGOEADEMMATERDIVVM
PAX · VIRTVS · CERES · DEA · SYRIA
IN · CAELOVISVMSYRIASIDVSEDI
DIT · LIBYAE · COLENDVMINDE
TVO · MARCVSCAECILIVSDO
NATIANVS · MILITANS · TRIBVNVS
INPRAEFECTODONO · PRINCIPIS.
Here we have ten very rough trochaic lines:
Imminet Leoni Virgo caelesti situ
Spicifera, justi inventrix, urbium conditrix;
Ex quis muneribus nosse contigit Deos.
Ergo eadem Mater Divum, Pax, Virtus, Ceres,
Dea Syria, lance vitam et jura pensitans.
In caelo visum Syria sidus edidit
Libyae colendum: inde cuncti didicimus.
Ita intellexit, numine inductus tuo,
Marcus Caecilius Donatianus, militans
Tribunus in Praefecto, dono Principis.
This may be thus rendered:
O'er the Lion hangs the Virgin, in her place in heaven,
With her corn-ear;—justice-finder, city-foundress, she:
And in them that do such office Gods may still be known.
She, then, is the Gods' own Mother, Peace, Strength, Ceres, all;
Syria's Goddess, in her Balance weighing life and Law.
Syria sent this Constellation shining in her sky
Forth for Libya's worship:—thence we all have learnt the lore.
Thus hath come to understanding, by the Godhead led,
Marcus Caecilius Donatianus
Serving now as Tribune-Prefect, by the Prince's grace.
F. 8.—These obscure lines Dr. Hodgkin refers to
Julia Domna, the wife of Severus, the one Emperor
that Africa gave to the Roman world. He was an
able astrologer, and from early youth considered
himself destined by his horoscope for the throne. He
was thus guided by astrological considerations to take
for his second wife a Syrian virgin, whose nativity he
found to forecast queenship. As his Empress she
shared in the aureole of divinity which rested upon all
members of the Imperial family. This theory explains
the references in the inscription to the constellation
Virgo, with its chief star Spica, having Leo on the one
hand and Libra on the other, also to the Syrian origin
of Julia and her connection with Libya, the home of
Severus. It may be added that Dr. Hodgkin's view is
confirmed by the fact that this Empress figures, on
coins found in Britain, as the Mother of the Gods, and
also as Ceres. The first line may possibly have special
reference to her influence in Britain during the reign
of Severus and her stepson299 Caracalla (who was also her
second husband), Leo being a noted astrological sign
of Britain.300 The inscription was evidently put up in
recognition of promotion gained by her favour, though
the exact interpretation of Tribunus in praefecto requires
a greater knowledge of Roman military nomenclature
than we possess. Dr. Hodgkin's "Tribune instead of
Prefect" seems scarcely admissible grammatically.
F. 9.—Another inscription which may be mentioned
is that referred to by Tennyson in 'Gareth and
Lynette' (l. 172), which
Hath left crag-carven over the streaming Gelt." 301
This is one of the many such records in the quarries
south of the Wall telling of the labours of the
fatigue-parties sent out by Severus to hew stones for
his mighty work, and cut on rocks overhanging the river.
It sets forth how a vexillatio302 of the Second Legion
was here engaged, under a lieutenant [optio] named
Agricola, in the consulship of Aper and Maximus (A.D.
207);303 perhaps as a guard over the actual workers,
who were probably a corvée of impressed natives.
F. 10.—Yet another inscription worth notice was
unearthed in 1897, and tells how a water supply to
Cilurnum was brought from a source in the neighbourhood
through a subterraneous conduit by Asturian
engineers under Ulpius Marcellus (A.D. 160). That
this should have been done brings home to us the
magnificent thoroughness with which Rome did her
work. Cilurnum stood on a pure and perennial stream,
the North Tyne, with a massively-fortified bridge, and
thus could never be cut off from water; it was only
some six acres in total area; yet in addition to the
river it received a water supply which would now be
thought sufficient for a fair-sized town.304 Well may
Dr. Hodgkin say that "not even the Coliseum of
Vespasian or the Pantheon of Agrippa impresses the
mind with a sense of the majestic strength of Rome so
forcibly" as works like this, merely to secure the
passage of a "little British stream, unknown to the
majority even of Englishmen."
Death of Severus—Caracalla and Geta—Roman citizenship—Extended to veterans—Tabulae
honestae, missionis—Bestowed on all British provincials.
G.I.—This mighty work kept Severus in Britain
for the rest of his life. He incessantly watched over
its progress, and not till it was completed turned his
steps once more (A.D. 211) towards Rome. But he
was not to reach the Imperial city alive. Scarcely had
he completed the first stage of the journey than, at
York, omens of fatal import foretold his speedy death.
A negro soldier presented him with a cypress crown,
exclaiming, "Totum vicisti, totum fuisti. Nunc Deus
esto victor."305 When he would fain offer a sacrifice of
thanksgiving, he found himself by mistake at the dark
temple of Bellona; and her black victims were led in
his train even to the very door of his palace, which he
never left again. Dark rumours were circulated that
Caracalla, who had already once attempted his father's
life, and was already intriguing with his stepmother,
was at the bottom of all this, and took good care that
the auguries should be fulfilled. Anyhow, Severus
never left York till his corpse was carried forth and
sent off for burial at Rome. With his last breath he
is said solemnly to have warned "my Antonines"
that upon their own conduct depended the peace and
well-being of the Empire which he had so ably won
G. 2.—The warning was, as usual, in vain. Caracalla
and Julia were now free to work their will, and,
having speedily got rid of her son Geta, entered upon
an incestuous marriage. The very Caledonians, whose
conjugal system was of the loosest,307 cried shame;308
but the garrison of the Wall which kept them off was,
as we have seen, officered by Julia's creatures, and all
beyond it was definitely abandoned,309 not to be recovered
for two centuries.310 The guilty pair returned to
Rome, and a hundred and thirty years elapsed before
another Augustus visited Britain.311
G. 3.—They left behind them no longer a subject
race of mere provincials, but a nation of full Roman
citizens. For it was Caracalla, seemingly, who, by
extending it to the whole Roman world, put the final
stroke to the expansion, which had long been in
progress, of this once priceless privilege; with its right
of appeal to Caesar, of exemption from torture, of
recognized marriage, and of eligibility to public office.
Originally confined strictly to natives of Rome and of
Roman Colonies, it was early bestowed ipso facto on
enfranchised slaves, and sometimes given as a compliment
to distinguished strangers. After the Social
War (B.C. 90) it was extended to all Italians, and
Claudius (A.D. 50) allowed Messalina to make it
purchasable ("for a great sum," as both the Acts
of the Apostles and Dion Cassius inform us) by
G. 4.—And they could also earn it by service in
the Imperial armies. A bronze tablet, found at
Cilurnum,312 sets forth that Antoninus Pius confers
upon the emeriti, or time-expired veterans, of the
Gallic, Asturian, Celtiberian, Spanish, and Dacian
cohorts in Britain, who have completed twenty-five
years' service with the colours, the right of Roman
citizenship, and legalizes their marriages, whether
existing or future.313 As there is no reason to suppose
that such discharged soldiers commonly returned to
their native land, this system must have leavened the
population of Britain with a considerable proportion
of Roman citizens, even before Caracalla's edict.
Besides its privileges, this freedom brought with it
certain liabilities, pecuniary and other; and it was to
extend the area of these that Caracalla took this
apparently liberal step, which had been at least
contemplated by more worthy predecessors314 on
philanthropic grounds. Any way, Britain was, by now,
in the fullest sense Roman.
Aballaba = Watch-cross
AESICA = GREAT CHESTERS
AMBOGLANNA = BIRDOSWALD
AQUAE (SULIS) = BATH
BORCOVICUS = HOUSE-STEADS
Branodunum = Brancaster
Braboniacum = Ribchester
Brige = Broughton
Caesaromagum = Chelmsford
Calcaria = Tadcaster
Calleva = Silchester
Camboricum = Cambridge
Cataractonis = Catterick
Clausentum = Southampton
CILURNUM = CHESTERS
Colonia = Colchester
Concangium = Kendal
CORINIUM = CIRENCESTER
DANUM = DONCASTER
DEVA = CHESTER
Devonis = Devonport
Dictis = Ambleside
DUBRIS = DOVER
DURNOVARIA = DORCHESTER
Durobrivis = Rochester
Durolipons = Godmanchester
Durnovernum = Canterbury
EBORACUM = YORK
Etocetum = Uttoxeter
GLEVUM = GLOUCESTER
Gobannium = Abergavenny
ISCA SILURUM = CAERLEON
Isca Damnoniorum = Exeter
Isurium = Aldborough (York)
LEMANNAE = LYMPNE
LINDUM COLONIA = LINCOLN
Longovicum = Lancaster
LONDINIUM = LONDON
Lugovallum = Carlisle
Magna = Caervoran
Mancunium = Manchester
Moridunum = Seaton
Muridunum = Caermarthen
Olikana = Ilkley
Pons Aelii = Newcastle
Pontes = Staines
PORTUS = PORTCHESTER
Procolitia = Carrawburgh
RATAE = LEICESTER
Regnum = Chichester
REGULBIUM = RECULVER
RITUPIS = RICHBOROUGH
Segedunum = Wall's End
SORBIODUNUM = SARUM
Spinae = Speen (Berks)
URICONUM = WROXETER
VENTA BELGARUM = WINCHESTER
VENTA ICENONUM = CAISTOR-BY-NORWICH
VENTA SILURUM = CAER GWENT
VERULAMIUM = VERULAM
Vindoballa = Rutchester
Vindomara = Ebchester
Vindolana = Little Chesters
RIVERS AND ESTUARIES.
Alaunus Fl. = Tweed
Belisama Est. = Mouth of Mersey
CLOTA EST. = FIRTH OF CLYDE
Cunio Fl. = Conway
TUNA EST. = SOLWAY
MORICAMBE EST. = MORCAMBE BAY
SABRINA FL. = SEVERN
Setantion Est. = Mouth of Ribble
Seteia Est. = Mouth of Dee
TAMARIS FL. = TAMAR
TAMESIS FL. = THAMES
Tava Est. = Firth of Tay
Tuerobis Fl. = Tavy
VARAR EST. = MORAY FIRTH
Vedra Fl. = Wear
CAPES AND ISLANDS.
BOLERIUM PR. = LAND'S END
CANTIUM PR. = N. FORELAND
Epidium Pr. = Mull of Cantire
Herculis Pr. = Hartland Point
MANNA I. = MAN
MONA I. = ANGLESEY
Noranton Pr. = Mull of Galloway
OCRINUM PR. = THE LIZARD
OCTAPITARUM PR. = ST. DAVID'S HEAD
Orcas Pr. = Dunnet Head
Taexalum Pr. = Kinnaird Head
TANATOS I. = THANET
VECTIS I. = I. OF WIGHT
VIRVEDRUM PR. = CAPE WRATH
N.B.—Many of these names vary notably in our several
authorities: e.g. Manna is also written Mona, Monaoida, Monapia,
 See p. 117.
 All highways were made Royal Roads before the
end of the 12th century, so that the course of the original
four became matter of purely antiquarian interest.
 Where it struck that sea is disputed, but Henry
of Huntingdon's assertion that it ran straight from London to
Chester seems the most probable.
 The lines of these roads, if produced, strike the
Thames not at London Bridge, but at the old "Horse Ferry" to Lambeth.
This may point to an alternative (perhaps the very earliest)
 Guest ('Origines Celticae') derives "Ermine" from A.S.
eorm=fen, and "Watling" from the Welsh Gwyddel=Goidhel=Irish.
The Ermine Street, however, nowhere touches the
fenland; nor did any Gaelic population, so far as is known,
abut upon the Watling Street, at any rate after the English
Conquest. Verulam was sometimes called Watling-chester,
probably as the first town on the road.
 The distinction between "Street" and "Way" must not,
however, be pressed, as is done by some writers. The Fosse Way
is never called a Street, though its name [fossa] shows it
to have been constructed as such; and the Icknield Way is frequently
so called, though it was certainly a mere track—often a series
of parallel tracks (e.g. at Kemble-in-the-Street in
Oxfordshire)—as it mostly remains to this day.
 This may still be seen in places; e.g. on the
"Hardway" in Somerset and the "Maiden Way" in Cumberland. See
Codrington, 'Roman Roads in Britain.'
 Camden, however, speaks of a Saxon charter so
designating it near Stilton ('Britannia,' II. 249).
 The whole evidence on this confused subject is well
set out by Mr. Codrington ('Roman Roads in Britain').
 It is, however, possible that the latter is named from
Ake-manchester, which is found as A.S. for Bath, to which it must
have formed the chief route from the N. East.
 See p. 144. Bradley, however, controverts this, pointing
out that the pre-Norman authorities for the name only refer to
 Thus Iter V. takes the traveller from London to Lincoln
viâ Colchester, Cambridge, and Huntingdon, though the Ermine
Street runs direct between the two. The 'Itinerary' is a Roadbook
of the Empire, giving the stages on each route set forth,
assigned by commentators to widely differing dates, from the
2nd century to the 5th. In my own view Caracalla is probably
the Antoninus from whom it is called. But after Antoninus
Pius (138 A.D.) the name was borne (or assumed) by almost
every Emperor for a century and more.
 See p. 237.
 Ptolemy also marks, in his map of Britain, some fifty
capes, rivers, etc., and the Ravenna list names over forty.
 The longitude is reckoned from the "Fortunate Isles," the
most western land known to Ptolemy, now the Canary Islands.
Ferro, the westernmost of these, is still sometimes found as the
Prime Meridian in German maps.
 Thus the north supplies not only inscriptions relating
to its own legion (the Sixth), but no fewer than 32 of the Second,
and 22 of the Twentieth; while at London and Bath indications of
all three are found.
 The Latin word castra, originally meaning "camp,"
came (in Britain) to signify a fortified town, and was adopted into
the various dialects of English as caster, Chester, or
cester; the first being the distinctively N. Eastern, the
last the S. Western form.
 Amongst these, however, must be named the high
authority of Professor Skeat. See 'Cambs. Place-Names.'
 Pearson's 'Historical Maps of England' gives a complete
list of these.
 This industry flourished throughout the last half
of the 19th century. The "coprolites" were phosphatic nodules found
in the greensand and dug for use as manure.
 These are of bronze, with closed ends, pitted for
the needle as now, but of size for wearing upon the thumb.
 There seems no valid reason for doubting that the
horseshoes found associated with Roman pottery, etc., in the ashpits
of the Cam valley, Dorchester, etc., are actually of Romano-British
date. Gesner maintains that our method of shoeing
horses was introduced by Vegetius under Valentinian II. The
earlier shoes seem to have been rather such slippers as are now
used by horses drawing mowing-machines on college lawns.
They were sometimes of rope: Solea sparta pes bovis induitur
(Columella), sometimes of iron: Et supinam animam gravido
derelinquere caeno Ferream ut solam tenaci in voragine mula
(Catullus, xvii. 25). Even gold was used: Poppaea jumentis suis
soleas ex auro induebat (Suet., 'Nero,' xxx.). The Romano-British
horseshoes are thin broad bands of iron, fastened on by
three nails, and without heels. See also Beckmann's 'History
of Inventions' (ed. Bohn).
 This is true of the whole of Britain, even along the
Wall, as a glance at the cases in the British Museum will show. There
may be seen the most interesting relic of this class yet discovered,
a bronze shield-boss, dredged out of the Tyne in 1893 [see
'Lapid. Sept.' p. 58], bearing the name of the owner, Junius
Dubitatus, and his Centurion, Julius Magnus, of the Ninth
 The wall of London is demonstrably later than the town,
old material being found built into it. So is that of Silchester.
 York was not three miles in circumference, Uriconium the
same, Cirencester and Lincoln about two, Silchester and Bath
 Roman milestones have been found in various places,
amongst the latest and most interesting being one of Carausius
discovered in 1895, at Carlisle. It had been reversed to substitute
the name of Constantius (see p. 222.). It may be noted that
the earliest of post-Roman date are those still existing on the
road between Cambridge and London, set up in 1729.
 See p. 117. When the existing bridge was built, Roman
remains were found in the river-bed.
 The Thames to the south, the Fleet to the west, and the
Wall Brook to the east and north.
 See p. 233. The city wall may well be due to him.
 See p. 233.
 On this functionary, see article by Domaszewski in
the 'Rheinisches Review,' 1891. His appointment was part of the
pacificatory system promoted by Agricola.
 An archigubernus (master pilot) of this fleet
left his property to one of his subordinates in trust for his infant
son. The son died before coming of age, whereupon the estate was
claimed by the next of kin, while the trustee contended that it
had now passed to him absolutely. He was upheld by the Court.
Another York decision established the principle that any money
made by a slave belonged to his bonâ fide owner. And another
settled that a Decurio (a functionary answering to a village
Mayor in France) was responsible only for his own Curia.
 Inscriptions of the Twentieth have been found here.
 Legra-ceaster, the earliest known form of the
name, signifies Camp-chester (Legra = Laager). In Anglo-Saxon
writings the name is often applied to Chester. This, however, was
the Chester, par excellence, as having remained so long
unoccupied. In the days of Alfred it is still a "waste Chester" in
the A.S. Chronicle. The word Chester is only associated with
Roman fortifications in Southern Britain. But north of the wall,
as Mr. Haverfield points out, we find it applied to earthworks
which cannot possibly have ever been Roman. (See 'Antiquary'
for 1895, p. 37.)
 Bath was frequented by Romano-British society for its
medicinal waters, as it has been since. The name Aquae (like
the various Aix in Western Europe) records this fact. Bath
was differentiated as Aquae Solis; the last word having less
reference to Apollo the Healer, than to a local deity Sul or
Sulis. Traces of an elaborate pump-room system, including
baths and cisterns still retaining their leaden lining, have here
been discovered; and even the stock-in-trade of one of the
small shops, where, as now at such resorts, trinkets were sold to
the visitors.(See 'Antiquary,' 1895, p. 201.)
 Similar excavations are in progress at Caergwent, but,
as yet, with less interesting results. Amongst the objects found is
a money-box of pottery, with a slit for the coins. A theatre [?]
is now (1903) being uncovered.
 See II. F. 4; also Mr. Haverfield's articles in the
'Athenaeum' (115, Dec. 1894), and in the 'Antiquary'
(1899, p. 71).
 Mr. Haverfield notes ('Antiquary,' 1898, p. 235) that
British basilicas are larger than those on the Continent, probably
because more protection from weather was here necessary.
Almost as large as this basilica must have been that at Lincoln,
where sections of the curious multiple pillars (which perhaps
suggested to St. Hugh the development from Norman to Gothic
in English architecture) may be seen studding the concrete pavement
of Ball Gate.
 A plan of this "church" is given by Mr. Haverfield
in the 'English Hist. Review,' July 1896.
 An inspection of the Ordnance Map (1 in.) shows this
clearly. It is the road called (near Andover) the Port Way.
 See p. 46.
 The water supply of Silchester seems to have been wholly
derived from these wells, which are from 25 to 30 feet in depth,
and were usually lined with wood. In one of them there were
found (in 1900) stones of various fruit trees (cherry, plum, etc.),
the introduction of which into Britain has long been attributed
to the Romans, (See Earle, 'English Plant Names.') But this
find is not beyond suspicion of being merely a mouse's hoard of
 Roman refineries for extracting silver existed in the
lead-mining districts both of the Mendips and of Derbyshire, which
were worked continuously throughout the occupation. But the
Silchester plant was adapted for dealing with far more refractory
ores; for what purpose we cannot tell.
 See paper by W. Gowland in Silchester Report (Society of
Antiquaries) for 1899.
 A glance at the maps issued by the Society of Antiquaries
will show this. The massive rampart, forming an irregular
hexagon, cuts off the corners of various blocks in the ground
 The well-known Cambridge jug of Messrs. Hattersley is a
 "Samian" factories existed in Gaul.
 See p. 43.
 TI. CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG. P.M. TRIB. P. VIIII. IMP, XVI.
DE BRITAN. This was found at Wokey Hole, near Wells.
 Haverfield, 'Ant.' p. 147.
 See 'Corpus Inscript. Lat.' Vol. VII.
 A specially interesting touch of this old country house life
is to be seen in the Corinium Museum at Cirencester—a mural
painting whereon has been scratched a squared word (the only
known classical example of this amusement):
 The word mansio, however, at this period signified
merely a posting-station on one or other of the great roads.
 Selwood, Sherwood, Needwood, Charnwood, and Epping
Forest are all shrunken relics of these wide-stretching woodlands,
with which most of the hill ranges seem to have been
clothed. See Pearson's 'Historical Maps of England.'
 Classical authorities only speak of bears in Scotland.
See P. 236.
 Cyneget., I. 468.
 Ibid. 69.
 In II. Cons. Stilicho, III. 299: Magnaque taurorum
fracturae colla Britannae.
 'Origins of English History,' p. 294.
 A brooch found at Silchester also represents this dog.
 Symmachus (A.D. 390) represents them as so fierce as to
require iron kennels (Ep. II. 77).
 Prudentius (contra Sab. 39): Semifer, et Scoto
sentit cane milite pejor.
 Proleg. to Jeremiah, lib. III.
 Flavius Vopiscus (A.D. 300) tells us that vine-growing
was also attempted, by special permission of the Emperor Probus.
 The Lex Julia forbade the carrying of arms by civilians.
 See Elton's 'Origins,' p. 347.
 Proem, v.
 See Fronto,'De Bello Parthico', I. 217. The latest
known inscription relating to this Legion is of A.D. 109 [C.I.L.
 Spartianus (A.D. 300), 'Hist. Rom.'
 About a fifth of the known legionary inscriptions of
Britain have been found in Scotland.
 See p. 233.
 At the Battle of the Standard, 1138.
 That Hadrian and not Severus (by whose name it is often
called) was the builder of the Wall as well as of the adjoining
fortresses is proved by his inscriptions being found not only in
them, but in the "mile-castles" [see C.I.L. vii. 660-663]. Out
of the 14 known British inscriptions of this Emperor, 8 are on
the Wall; out of the 57 of Severus, 3 only.
 Hadrian divided the Province of Britain [see p. 142]
into "Upper" and "Lower"; but by what boundary is
wholly conjectural. All we know is that Dion Cassius [Xiph.
lv.] places Chester and Caerleon in the former and York in the
latter. The boundary may thus have been the line from Mersey
to Humber; "Upper" meaning "nearer to Rome."
 Neilson, 'Per Lineam Valli,' p.I.
 See further pp. 203-212.
 The figure has been supposed to represent Rome
seated on Britain. But the shield is not the oblong buckler
of the Romans, but a round barbaric target.
 So Tacitus speaks of "Submotis velut in aliam
insulam hostibus" by Agricola's rampart. And Pliny says,
"Alpes Gcrmaniam ab Italia submovent."
 Corpus Inscript. Lat, vii. 1125.
 Dio Cassius, lxxii. 8.
 Aelius Lampridius, 'De Commodo,' c. 8.
 Inscriptions in the Newcastle Museum show that bargemen
from the Tigris were quartered on the Tyne.
 Dio Cassius, lxxii. 9.
 Julius Capitolinus, 'Pertinax,' c. 3.
 Orosius, 'Hist' 17.
 Herodian, 'Hist.' iii. 20.
 Lucius Septimus Severus.
 Herodian, 'Hist. III.' 46. He is a contemporary
 Also called Bassianus. His throne name was Marcus
Aurelius Antoninus Pius.
 Publius Septimus Geta Antoninus Pius.
 Aelius Spartianus, 'Severus,' c. 23.
 Dion Cassius, lxxvi. 12.
 Severus gave as a mot d'ordre to his soldiers
the "No quarter" proclamation of Agamemnon. ('Iliad,' vi. 57):
[ton mêtis hupekphugoi aipun olethron].
 Dion Cassius, lxxvi. 12.
 See p. 195.
 Aurelius Victor (20) makes him (as Mommsen and others
think) restore Antonine's rampart: "vallum per xxxii.
passuum millia a mari ad mare." But more probably xxxii. is a
misreading for lxxii.
 The very latest spade-work on the Wall (undertaken by
Messrs. Haverfield and Bosanquet in 1901) shows that the
original wall and ditch ran through the midst of the great
fortresses of Chesters and Birdoswald, which are now astride, so
to speak, of the Wall; pointing to the conclusion that Severus
rebuilt and enlarged them. In various places along the Wall
itself the stones bear traces of mortar on their exterior face,
showing that they have been used in some earlier work.
 This is the number per lineam valli given in
the 'Notitia.' Only twelve have been certainly identified. They
are commonly known as "stations."
 Antiquaries have given these structures the name of
"mile-castles." They are usually some fifty feet square.
 The familiar name of "Wallsend" coals reminds us of
this connection between the Tynemouth colliery district and the
 So puzzling is the situation that high authorities
on the subject are found to contend that the work was perfunctorily
thrown up, in obedience to mistaken orders issued by the departmental
stupidity of the Roman War Office, that in reality it was never
either needed or used, and was obsolete from the very outset.
But this suggestion can scarcely be taken as more than an
elaborate confession of inability to solve the nodus.
 It should be noted that the "Vallum" is no regular Roman
muris caespitius like the Rampart of Antoninus, though traces
have been found here and there along the line of some intention
to construct such a work (see 'Antiquary,' 1899, p. 71).
 In more than one place the line of fortification swerves
from its course to sweep round a station.
 Near Cilurnum the fosse was used as a receptacle for
shooting the rubbish of the station, and contains Roman pottery
of quite early date.
 See p. 233.
 See p. 232.
 The existing military road along the line of the
Wall does not follow the track of its Roman predecessor. It was
constructed after the rebellion of 1745, when the Scots were able
to invade England by Carlisle before our very superior forces at
Newcastle could get across the pathless waste between to intercept
 Mithraism is first heard of in the 2nd century A.D.,
as an eccentric cult having many of the features of Christianity,
especially the sense of Sin and the doctrine that the vicarious
blood-shedding essential to remission must be connected with a
New Baptismal Birth unto Righteousness. The Mithraists
carried out this idea by the highly realistic ceremonies of the
Taurobolium; the penitent neophyte standing beneath a grating
on which the victim was slain, and thus being literally bathed
in the atoning blood, afterwards being considered as born again
[renatus]. It thus evolved a real and heartfelt devotion to the
Supreme Being, whom, however (unlike Christianity), it was
willing to worship under the names of the old Pagan Deities;
frequently combining their various attributes in joint Personalities
of unlimited complexity. One figure has the head of Jupiter,
the rays of Phoebus, and the trident of Neptune; another is
furnished with the wings of Cupid, the wand of Mercury, the
club of Hercules, and the spear of Mars; and so forth.
Mithraism thus escaped the persecution which the essential
exclusiveness of their Faith drew down upon Christians;
gradually transforming by its deeper spirituality the more frigid
cults of earlier Paganism, and making them its own. The little
band of truly noble men and women who in the latter half of
the 4th century made the last stand against the triumph of
Christianity over the Roman world were almost all Mithraists.
For a good sketch of this interesting development see Dill,
'Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire.'
 Of the 1200 in the 'Corpus Inscript. Lat.' (vol. vii.),
500 are in the section Per Lineam Valli.
 'Corpus Inscript. Lat.' vol. vii., No. 759.
 Some authorities consider him to have been her own son.
 See p. 126.
 The Gelt is a small tributary joining the Irthing shortly
before the latter falls into the Eden.
 Polybius (vi. 24) tells us that in the Roman army of
his day a vexillum or manipulum consisted of 200 men
under two centurions, each of whom had his optio. Vegetius
(II. 1) confines the word vexillatio to the cavalry, but
gives no clue as to its strength.
 On this inscription see Huebner, C.I.L. vii. 1. A
drawing will be found in Bruce's 'Handbook to the Wall' (ed. 1895),
 The name Cilurnum may be connected with this
wealth of water. In modern Welsh celurn = caldron.
 "All hast thou won, all hast thou been. Now be God the
winner." (These final words are equivocal, in both Latin and
English. They might signify, "Now let God be your conqueror,"
and "Now, thou conqueror, be God," i. e. "die"; for
a Roman Emperor was deified at his decease.) Spartianus, 'De
 Aelius Spartianus, 'Severus,' c. 22.
 See p. 46.
 Dio Cassius, lxxvi. 16.
 Ibid. lxxvii. I.
 In 369. See p. 230.
 Constans in 343. See p. 230.
 See Bruce, 'Handbook to Wall' (ed. 1895), p. 267.
 Such tablets, called tabulae honestae missionis
("certificates of honourable discharge"), were given to every
enfranchised veteran, and were small enough to be carried easily
on the person. Four others, besides that at Cilurnum, have been
found in Britain.
 None of the above-mentioned tabulae found are
later than A.D. 146, which, so far as it goes, supports the contention
that Marcus Aurelius was the real extender of the citizenship;
Caracalla merely insisting on the liabilities which every Roman
subject had incurred by his rise to this status.
 See pp. 175, 176. Only those fairly identifiable are
given; the certain in capitals, the highly probable in ordinary type,
and the reasonably probable in italics. For a full list of
Romano-British place-names, see Pearson, 'Historical Maps of