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13 January, 2012
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Woodrow Wilson As I Know Him
Chapter VII - The Crisis Of The Campaign
by Tumulty, Joseph P.
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The crisis of the campaign came when George L. Record, Progressive leader
in the ranks of the Republican party in Hudson County, uttered a ringing
challenge to the Democratic candidate to debate the issues of the campaign
with him. The challenge contained an alternative proposition that the
Democratic candidate either meet Mr. Record in joint debate in various
parts of the state or that he answer certain questions with reference to
the control of the Democratic party by what Mr. Record called the "Old
Guard." Mr. Record's letter and challenge created a profound sensation
throughout the state and brought hope and comfort to the ranks of the
Republican party.
Record emphasized the Old Guard's control of the convention at which
Wilson was nominated, basing most of his questions upon this character of
political control, and openly challenging Wilson, the Democratic
candidate, to say whether the elements that were dominant at Trenton in
the Convention would be permitted by him, in case of his election, to
influence his action as governor.
For several days after the letter containing the challenge reached the
Democratic candidate, there was a great deal of apprehension in the ranks
of the Democratic party lest the candidate should decide to ignore the
Record challenge, thus giving aid and comfort to the enemies of
progressivism in the state, or, on the other hand, that he would accept it
and thus give Mr. Record, who was a most resourceful public speaker and a
leading exponent of liberalism in the state, a chance to outwit him in
public debate. The latter practically demanded of the Democratic candidate
that he repudiate not only the Old Guard but the active management of his
campaign which had been taken over by James R. Nugent, one of the leaders
of Essex County, who daily accompanied the Democratic candidate on his
tour of the state. For a time it looked as if Doctor Wilson would ignore
entirely the Record challenge. It was plainly evident from all sides that
what appeared to be his reluctance to take a stand in the matter had
turned support away at a time when the sentiment of the state was rapidly
flowing his way.
I accompanied the candidate on an automobile tour of the state and in our
little talks I sought to find out, in a diplomatic way, just how his mind
was running on the Record challenge and how he intended to meet it. In the
automobile with us on this tour was James R. Nugent, then the state
chairman of the Democratic Committee. I ascertained that even he knew
nothing about the Princetonian's attitude toward the Record challenge. A
significant remark which the candidate dropped "between meetings" gave me
the first intimation that the Democratic candidate was, to use a baseball
expression, "on to the Record curve" and that he would answer him in so
emphatic and overwhelming a fashion that the Republican campaign would
never entirely recover from the blow.
One day while we were seated in the tonneau of the automobile discussing
the Record challenge, Mr. Wilson pointed his finger at Jim Nugent and
said, very significantly: "I intend to reply to Mr. Record, but I am sure
that it will hurt the feelings of this fine fellow."
A few days later, without consulting any one, Mr. Wilson replied to
Record's challenge. It was a definite, clean-cut, unequivocal repudiation
of the Old Guard's control of the Democratic party, and a convincing
answer to every question that had been put to him. It rang true. Old-line
Republicans, after reading this conclusive reply, shook their heads and
said, regretfully, "Damn Record; the campaign's over."
It was plainly evident that the crisis of the campaign had been safely
passed and that Mr. Wilson was on his way to the governorship.
In his challenge Mr. Record had addressed to Doctor Wilson nineteen
questions. Mr. Wilson's reply was in part as follows:
You wish to know what my relations would be with the Democrats whose
power and influence you fear should I be elected governor,
particularly in such important matters as appointments and the signing
of bills, and I am very glad to tell you. If elected I shall not
either in the matter of appointments to office, or assent to
legislation, or in shaping any part of the policy of my
administration, submit to the dictation of any person, or persons,
"special interests," or organizations. I will always welcome advice
and suggestions from any citizens, whether boss, leader, organization
man, or plain citizen, and I shall confidently seek the advice of
influential and disinterested men representative of the communities
and disconnected from political organizations entirely; but all
suggestions and all advice will be considered on its merits and no
additional weight will be given to any man's advice because of his
exercising, or supposing that he exercises, some sort of political
influence or control. I should deem myself for ever disgraced should
I, in even the slightest degree, coöperate in any such system. I
regard myself as pledged to the regeneration of the Democratic party.
Mr. Record also inquired: "Do you admit that the boss system exists as I
have described it?" "If so, how do you propose to abolish it?"
Mr. Wilson said:
Of course I admit it. Its existence is notorious. I have made it my
business for many years to observe and understand that system, and I
hate it as thoroughly as I understand it. You are quite right in
saying that the system is bipartisan; that it constitutes "the most
dangerous condition in the public life of our state and nation to-
day"; and that it has virtually, for the time being, "destroyed
representative government and in its place set up a government of
privilege." I would propose to abolish it by the reforms suggested in
the Democratic platform, by the election to office of men who will
refuse to submit to it, and who will lend all their energies to break
it up, and by pitiless publicity.
Still hoping to corner the Governor, Mr. Record named the bosses:
In referring to the Board of Guardians, do you mean such Republican
leaders as Baird, Murphy, Kean, and Stokes? Wherein do the relations
to the special interests of such leaders differ from the relation to
the same interests of such Democratic leaders as Smith, Nugent, and
Davis?
Mr. Wilson, answering this, said:
I refer to the men you name. They [meaning Baird, Murphy, Kean,
Stokes] differ from the others in this, that they are in control of
the government of the state while the others are not, and cannot be if
the present Democratic ticket is elected.
In reply to Mr. Record's question: "Will you join me in denouncing the
Democratic 'overlords' as parties to a political boss system?" Doctor
Wilson replied: "Certainly I will join you in denouncing them--or any one
of either party who attempts any outrages against the Government and
public morality."
At this time I was in close touch with the managers of the Wilson
campaign, including Smith, Nugent, and Davis. While they admired the fine
strategy that lay back of the Democratic candidate's reply to Mr. Record,
they looked upon it as a mere gesture upon the part of Mr. Wilson and
scorned to believe that his reply to Mr. Record constituted a challenge to
their leadership. They did not show any evidences of dismay or chagrin at
the courageous attitude taken by Doctor Wilson. They simply smiled and
shrugged their shoulders and said: "This is a great campaign play."
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