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A History of Diplomacy in the International Development of Europe: Vol I The Struggle for Universal Empire
- The Restoration of the Empire by the Germans
by David Jayne Hill, LL.D.

A singular errand first called Otto I into Italy. In 951, Adelaide, the beautiful widow of Lothair of Burgundy, -- who had been dethroned as King of Italy and put to death by Berengar of Ivrea, -- having been commanded to marry Berengar's son Adalbert, escaped from captivity and made an appeal to the German king. Otto gallantly hastened over the Alps, rescued the young queen, and married her. He would gladly have pressed on to Rome at once, to seek the imperial dignity; but Alberic, to whom he sent an embassy, refused to receive him. Regarding the time as unfavorable for a march to Rome, he recrossed the Alps and carried his bride to Germany.

Conrad of Lotharingia, who had been left in Italy to pursue and punish Berengar, conceived the idea of treating with him, and shortly appeared with the Italian king at Otto's court in Saxony; where, at Magdeburg, he was kept three days waiting before Otto would receive him. Without divining the ambition of the German king to make himself master of Italy and restore the Empire in his own person, Conrad had promised Berengar that he should be confirmed in the kingdom of Italy, if he would surrender and make peace.

Deeply offended by Conrad's unauthorized transaction, Otto was thrown into great embarrassment; for he did not wish to restore Berengar in Italy, yet found himself committed by the promise of Conrad. A compromise was finally made which was satisfactory to no one. At a general assembly of the realm held at Augsburg, in August, 952, Berengar was restored to his kingdom, which was diminished, however, by several provinces assigned to Henry, Duke of Bavaria. The condition of this restoration was, that Berengar acknowledge himself the vassal of Otto and take an oath of allegiance to him. This humiliation had to be endured, but was bitterly resented; while Otto, whose intentions had for the time been thwarted, was as little pleased as the humbled King of Italy.

But an easy issue from this diplomatic impasse was soon afforded by the open revolt of Berengar and the urgent appeal of the Pope, requesting Otto to come to his rescue. Alberic having died, his son, John XII, who had united in his own person the civil and spiritual powers of Rome, found himself unable to resist the aggressions of Berengar, and was pleading for foreign intervention. Following the importunities of the Pope, came a pressing message from the Italian bishops urging an expedition to Italy to relieve the unhappy condition of the Church. It was Otto's long desired opportunity to realize his cherished ambition. Seldom did a call of religious duty so plainly justify the punishment of a rebellious vassal, and Otto now felt that he could go to Rome with the full support of the German nation. Having celebrated Christmas at Regensburg, surrounded by a brilliant gathering of nobles and ecclesiastics, after an extended journey through his kingdom, and assured of the general approbation, he appointed a Reichstag for May, 961, at which his son, Otto II, was chosen king, and preparations were made for an expedition to Italy.

The great work of uniting the German nation had been, to a large degree, accomplished. Otto's substitution of the ecclesiastical for the temporal magnates, his heroic defence of the land, and his victories over the Slavs and Magyars, his policy of eastward expansion, and the erection of Christianized vassal states upon the frontiers, all combined to render him master of his realm. The German people, inspired by a new sense of national greatness, and looking forward to extended dominion, were ready to follow their great leader in his quest of empire. It was Rome which was now to represent the struggle for local rights and liberties, and Germany which was to reach out its arms for world dominion.1

In the autumn of 962, accompanied by a large army and a great retinue of German nobles and bishops, Otto crossed the Alps by the same route he had taken ten years before, and with great pomp and ceremony entered Pavia, where he celebrated Christmas day in the palace of the old Lombard kings. Unopposed by Berengar, who retreated to his strongholds, Otto proceeded to Rome, before whose walls he was received with manifestations of joy by Pope John XII.

Entering into the city on January 31, 962, under a solemn engagement with the Pope to respect his person and his rights, Otto, not without distrust of the Italians, whose perfidy he feared, was crowned and consecrated emperor in St. Peter's Church, by John XII, on February 2. "While I am praying at the grave of St. Peter to-day," he said to a young officer that morning, "hold your drawn sword near my head. I know my predecessors have often feared the tricks of the Romans, and a wise man avoids mischief in due time. You can pray at Monte Mario when we return!"

As events soon proved, the suspicion of the German king was not without foundation; for, although he had been invited by John XII, and also by the Romans, to come to Rome, his presence there had excited an undercurrent of apprehension in striking contrast with the joy with which he had been at first received. He had entered the city under solemn bonds to exalt the Roman Church and its pontiff to the extent of his ability.2 This obligation included the promise to exercise no authority at Rome without the advice of the Holy Father, especially in what related to the rights of the Pope and of the Romans. It was soon discovered, however, that, in seeking a protector, Rome had found a master. The revelation at once gave to the situation a threatening aspect.

Soon after the coronation, on February 13, 962, a document whose authenticity has been long disputed, but is now well established, fixed in authoritative form the relations between the Papacy and the Empire. This document, known as the "Privilegium of Otto I," is composed of two portions.3 The first is a confirmation of the gifts and concessions of the Carlovingian emperors to the Papacy, with generous additions. The second provides for the imperial supervision of the papal elections and the papal administration. Having secured to the Papacy its temporal possessions, the document proceeds to define the Pope's vassalage to the Emperor, -- or more precisely to Otto and his son, who are expressly named, and their successors, -- to whom is conceded the right to oversee the papal elections, imperial approval being necessary to the act of consecration.

Thus was founded the "Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation," although this name was not employed until a later time. It was, in fact little more than a revival of two ancient documents,--the Privilege of 817 granted by Lewis the Pious, which served as the basis for the first part; and the Constitution of 824, which suggested the second ; -- but, in effect, it was a complete subordination of the Papacy to the imperial control. The opportunity had been presented to make the Pope the representative of Christendom, rather than the creature of the Roman aristocracy. However religious his motives may have been, -- and his conduct has been defended on the ground of religious duty, -- Otto preferred to make the Papacy the appanage of his own royal house. The Pope, as well as the Roman clergy and nobility, was required to take an oath of fidelity to Otto and his son, with a promise to observe the regulations of the "Privilegium" and not to aid the Emperor's enemies.

The first fruit of Otto's triumph was the Pope's consent to establish the long desired archbishopric at Magdeburg. Thus, at last, the German king was able to accomplish his wishes in his own kingdom by the victory won at Rome.

The compact was, in reality, an enforced personal bargain between a bishop of Rome and a German king; but it had created an institution whose pretensions and conflicts were to be the centre of human interest for centuries to come. Regarded in the light of its immediate results, the compact was illusory from every point of view. It was almost immediately violated by both parties and gave rise to a struggle which imposed upon Rome a German supremacy. Thenceforth, the kings of Germany claimed the exclusive right to the imperial crown, and soon it became the custom for the "King of the Romans" to be elected by the German nobles. The Papacy, with its prerogative of conferring the crown of the world, had become a vassal of the German kingdom; but Germany had bartered away its unity as a nation in pursuit of a phantom beyond the Alps.

When Otto left Rome in triumph, he felt that he had not only received the greatest of earthly dignities, but that in his control of the Pope he had placed his hand upon a power that would vastly strengthen his mastery of Germany. He had hardly turned his face northward to chase Berengar from his strongholds among the Alps, when John XII, repenting of his bargain, opened negotiations to transfer the power to Adalbert and to induce the Hungarians to invade Germany. Otto hastened back to Rome, called a synod which tried and deposed John, who had fled to the mountains, and set up a new pope, Leo VIII, in his place. To secure his control of the Papacy, Otto now forced the Romans to swear that they would in the future never elect or consecrate a pope without the consent and choice of himself and his son. But as soon as he resumed his campaign against Berengar, John returned to Rome from his hiding-place, created a revolt, and expelled the new pope, Leo. John having soon afterward died, the Romans broke their vow and elected Benedict V.

Determined to triumph, Otto again returned to Rome restored Leo, and bore off the humbled Berengar and the penitent Benedict as prisoners to Germany. Once more he returned to quell a last revolt, which followed upon the death of Leo, in 965. This time, he made the Romans feel his power, decapitating or blinding the leaders, and subjecting to the deepest humiliation the faithless prefect of the city. The new pope, John XIII, humbly followed in the train of the Emperor's triumphal marches in Italy, and on Christmas day, 967, crowned his son Otto emperor. Thus, the founder of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation at one stroke finally subjected the Papacy to the imperial power, and confirmed the succession of his own house.

While the accession of Otto I to the imperial throne invested his great personality with a new importance, his empire was, in fact, German rather than Roman. Bitterly hated at Rome, where his cruelties were not soon forgotten, his power in Italy rested entirely upon his force of arms, and his last years were spent in efforts to reduce the peninsula to subjection. Having mastered the North of Italy, he succeeded in imposing a nominal vassalage upon the dukes of Capua and Beneveuto in the South; but his ambition coveted the possession of the Greek cities also, and for this purpose he resorted to an experiment in diplomacy which gives a special interest to his reign.

Otto had already begun a campaign against the Greek cities by a short siege of Bari, when, upon the advice of Liutprand, Bishop of Cremona. --who had once been sent in the interest of Berengar on a mission to Byzantium, where he had been well received,--it was determined to abandon for the present the use of force, and to propose a marriage between the young Emperor Otto and Theophano, daughter of the Byzantine Emperor, Romanus II. On account of his skill in the Greek language, his knowledge of the Eastern court, and his ability as a diplomatist, Liutpraud was chosen as ambassador of Otto I; and, starting upon his journey in April, 968, reached Constantinople in the following June.

The report which the Bishop of Cremona afterward made of his mission is, perhaps, the most entertaining document which has come down to us from the Middle Ages. 4 The failure of his negotiations is ingeniously covered by a description of the Eastern capital and its sovereign, with a narration of his experiences so graphic and so charged with satire that we must rejoice in the luckless result of a mission which has given us so lively a piece of literature.

Shut up in a large but uncovered palace,5 the ambassador was practically kept a prisoner from his arrival early in June till his departure in November, often, he assures us, without even water. Otto the Great was denied the title of "Basileus" and always referred to as "Rex"; not permitted to ride, Liutprand had to walk to the palace; the Germans were constantly referred to as barbarians; while at table he was placed below the Bulgarian envoy--a man "shorn in Hungarian fashion, girt with a brazen chain, and, as it seemed, a catechumen," -- being fed with "fat goat, stuffed with garlic, onions, and leeks, and steeped in fish sauce."

After waiting seven days, he was led before Nicephorus II, the Emperor,--"a monstrosity of a man, a pygmy, fat-headed and like a mole as to the smallness of his eyes; disgusting with his short, broad, thick, and half hoary beard; disgraced by a neck an inch long; very bristly through the length and thickness of his hair; in color an Ethiopian; one whom it would not be pleasant to meet in the middle of the night!"

If the conversations, which Liutprand professes to report with exactness, really took place in the words reported, it is not astonishing that the ambassador not only failed in his mission but was treated with indignity. At the first interview the Emperor declares: "Otto I has taken away from Berengar and Adalbert their kingdom contrary to law and right, has slain some of the Romans by the sword, others by hanging, depriving some of their eyes, sending some into exile, and has tried to subject to himself by slaughter or by flame cities of my empire." Liutprand replies: "My master did not by force or tyrannically invade the city of Rome; but he freed it from a tyrant. . . . Thy power, I fancy, or that of thy predecessors, who in name only are emperors of the Romans and are not in reality, was sleeping at that time.. .. What one of you emperors, led by zeal for God, took care to avenge the plundering of the churches of the most holy apostles and to bring back the Holy Church to its proper condition? You neglected it; my master did not neglect it." In the second conversation, the Emperor, twitting the ambassador of Otto's withdrawal from the siege of Bari, says: "The soldiers of thy master do not know how to ride, nor do they know how to fight on foot;... their gluttony also impedes them, for their God is their belly, their courage but wind, their bravery drunkenness; . . . you are not Romans, but Lombards." Liutprand replies: "Romulus, born in adultery, made an asylum for himself in which he received insolvent debtors, fugitive slaves, homicides, and those who were worthy of death for their deeds. . .. From such nobility those are descended whom you call world-rulers, that is, emperors; whom we, namely the Lombards, Saxons, Franks, Lotharingians, Bavarians, Suabians, Burgundians, so despise that, when angry, we can call our enemies nothing more scornful than 'Roman' -- comprehending in this one word, that is, the name of the Romans, whatever there is of contemptibility, of timidity, of avarice, of luxury, of lying, in a word, of viciousness. But, because thou dost maintain that we are unwarlike and ignorant of horsemanship, if the sins of the Christians shall merit that thou shalt remain in this hard-heartedness, the next battle will show what you are, and how warlike we!"

Having inaugurated his mission with such amenities as these, followed by a constant exhibition of malice and impertinence, it is not surprising that the testy bishop returned to his imperial masters to console them for the fruitlessness of his negotiations by the wit and eloquence with which he had upheld their cause. The result of his efforts with Nicephorus was the derisive declaration that the proper prelude to his proposals was the surrender of Rome, Ravenna, and the rest of Italy to their ancient sovereign; that the idea of a marriage between the son of a German king and the daughter of a Roman emperor was preposterous; and that a friendly understanding could never be hoped for without the restoration of the Byzantine provinces.

Although the diplomacy of Liutprand had ended in dismal failure, the plans of Otto I for the peaceable accession of the Byzantine cities in Italy and a family alliance with the Eastern Empire were not destined to entire defeat. Nicephorus II was soon afterward assassinated, and a new emperor, John Zimisces, fearing the vigor of Otto's warlike temper, and wishing to form an alliance with him, offered the hand of Theophano to Otto II, and the marriage was celebrated with brilliant festivities at Rome, on April 14, 972.6 If, as regarded from Byzantium, it was a strange spectacle to witness the proud daughter of an Eastern emperor wedded to the son of a "barbarian king," and receiving from the hands of the Pope in St. Peter's Church at Rome a royal coronation; to the German nobility who flocked over the Alps to assist in the festivities, the scene was one of intoxicating joy. Costly gifts were bestowed upon the Eastern princess and Byzantium was made to feel that the recognition, tardy but spectacular, was deserved. Once more it seemed as if the ends of the earth were to be united, that the old dream of universal dominion was not vain, and that the progeny of a German Caesar might some day sit upon the throne of a world empire. Rome, dazzled by the power and splendor of the new dynasty, for a moment forgot her lost liberties -- liberties of which she had proved herself so unworthy -- in the presence of her new Augustus. The old passion for pomp and power flamed up once more under the kindling glance of a new Caesar, but only to fade into darkness when the marriage fêtes were over and the imperial train disappeared on its northward march to Germany.

Although Otto I, who had hoped to win back France as a part of his empire by his intervention in behalf of his brother-in-law, Louis IV, had failed of his purpose, the influence of the Emperor was still respected there. His attempt to secure an entente with the Arabs had met with a disdainful repulse, and his ambassadors, after waiting three years for an audience with the Caliph of Cordova, were roundly lectured by him on the subject of incivility.

But, notwithstanding his experience of rebuffs and indignities, Otto I had raised the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation to a height of power which recalled the heroic age of the first Frankish emperor. The noted scholars of his day were accorded a generous reception at his court, and he strove with a strong band to promote purity and devotion in the Church. He had carried the frontiers of Christendom farther toward the East than they had ever been set before, the dukes of Bohemia and Poland did homage to him as their lord, and embassies from Bulgaria, Hungary, Russia, and Denmark were sent to pay him respect and seek his favor. His last days were full of honors and triumphs; and when, after his return from his long absence in Italy, he died, on May 7, 973, at Memleben, the event was comparable in political importance to the death of the great Charles.

The fictitious strength of the empire which Otto the Great had created became evident, however, when be was succeeded by his eighteen-year-old son, Otto II The two elements of the power exercised by Otto I were his military force and the use he made of the Church. The union of Germany and Italy had immensely enlarged the tasks of government by dividing the imperial attention between two distant and turbulent kingdoms, without adding any compensating increase of either military or moral strength. The transfer of authority in the German duchies to the ecclesiastical vassals of the Emperor had vastly augmented the wealth, prestige, and power of the bishops and abbots, who were now disposed to use their influence much as the secular magnates had done, and soon had to be treated as necessary allies, rather than commanded as obedient subjects. The advantage which Otto the Great had at first derived from the unity and central authority of the Church, therefore, in the end, proved delusive; for the revolutions in the Papacy, brought about by the conflicts of imperial rule and the refractory princes of Italy, and especially the aristocracy of Rome, deprived the papal control of its earlier supremacy and rendered its support comparatively valueless. With feudality dissolving the coherence of the Empire from within, both north and south of the Alps, the newly Christianized Slavic populations tending to form independent kingdoms, and the power of the Papacy weakened by the intrigues and insurrections of the unruly Romans, the successors of Otto the Great had no means of sustaining their imperial dignity except their personal prowess.

Otto II, during the ten years of his reign, battled bravely against these conditions, in the vain conviction that he could bind together the two parts of his empire and make his rule a reality. He subdued Henry the Quarrelsome and broke up his Bavarian duchy; punished Lothair of France for his attempt to win Lotharingia from the Empire;7 struck down Crescentius, Duke of the Romans, who had usurped authority at Rome by the massacre of Benedict VI and the creation of a rival pope; then, having secured tranquility in the city under Benedict VII, whom he placed on the papal throne, he waged a vigorous war against the Saracens, and endeavored to secure possession of the Greek cities of Southern Italy, which he considered as the heritage of his Byzantine wife. Before he had accomplished this purpose, however, he died at Rome, on December 7, 983, at a time when the Slavs, perceiving the defenceless condition of Eastern Germany in his absence, had begun to burn and pillage the bishoprics of Havelberg and Brandenburg.

To meet this crisis, was left as his successor a child of three years, Otto III, under the tutelage of his mother, the Greek Theophano, and the German ecclesiastics. By the energy of Willigis, Archbishop of Mainz, a revolt of Henry the Quarrelsome, who now claimed the regency, was suppressed, in spite of his alliance with Lothair of France and many of the bishops, and he was finally appeased by the restoration of his duchy of Bavaria. The rise of Hugh Capet in France and a quarrel provoked by Eckhard of Meissen between the Bohemians and the Poles on the eastern frontier saved the Empire, for a time, from foreign foes. Young Otto, half Greek and half German, after the death of his mother, in 991, was wholly in the hands of the ecclesiastics. Of keen intelligence and warm susceptibilities, he became devoutly religious; but his native enthusiasm and visionary temperament led him into excesses of imagination which destroyed the utility of his plans. Before his fancy floated the vision of a kingdom of God on earth, ruled by the harmonious counsels of the Emperor and the Pope, in which wars and conflicts should end in universal peace and happiness. Crossing the Alps to be crowned as emperor at Rome, he was met by a deputation of Romans, informing him that the Papacy was vacant, and requesting him to nominate a pope. His cousin, Bruno, whom he designated, under the name of Gregory V, crowned him Emperor on May 21, 996, and it appeared as if the approaching millennium of the Christian era was to witness the culmination of the Holy Roman Empire in the plenitude of the Emperor's lofty theory. Germany was, for a time, pleased with the prospect; the French bishops, previously rent with dissensions, submissively accepted the papal decrees; reforms were instituted everywhere, and it seemed to be the beginning of a new age of peace and prosperity for both the Empire and the Church, when the Crescentius of that day suddenly raised an insurrection at Rome, deposed and expelled Gregory, and set up as pope a Greek bishop, John Philagathos, under the name of John XVI. In February, 998, Otto descended upon Rome; John XVI, captured in his hasty flight across the country, was blinded and mutilated; Crescentius, who had fortified himself in the tomb of Adrian, was taken and decapitated; and Rome was once more beaten into submission by the imperial soldiers.

Gregory V having died, Otto raised to the papal throne Gerbert of Aurillac, under the name of Sylvester II. A prodigy of learning, according to the opinion of his time, the new pope was, perhaps, the most remarkable man of his generation. He was to be to the new Constantine what the first Sylvester had been to his prototype, and together they were to reconstruct the world; but it was the Pope, and not the Emperor, who proved to be the predominating influence in this partnership. Becoming more and more visionary as his power seemed more secure, Otto was filled with a deep sense of his high mission. Descended from emperors of the East as well as of the West, and imbued with the religious teaching of his ecclesiastical guardians, he combined in his mystical conceptions a profound reverence for the sacred character of the imperial office and a zealous devotion to the Church. In order to prepare himself for the great work he had undertaken, he made pilgrimages to many holy places; and, in the year 1000, paid a visit to Aachen, for the purpose of drawing inspiration from the glorious memories of Charles the Great. To deepen his impressions, he caused the great stone in the floor of the cathedral to be lifted, and there -- so runs the story -- he discovered the form of the dead monarch, clad in his imperial robes, and sitting erect upon his throne, with his crown upon his head and his sceptre in his hand, as if he were still ruling the world.

Filled with faith and enthusiasm, Otto determined that the imperial residence should henceforth be at Rome, whose glorious past he was about to resuscitate. There, upon the Aventine, he built his palace, filling his court with gorgeously decorated officers bearing Greek and Latin titles. All the splendors of ancient Byzantium were assembled about his person. Of his numerous imperial crowns, that of iron recalled the military glory of the Caesars, while that of gold and gems bore the proud inscription: "Roma caput mundi regit frena rotundi." The ascent of the Emperor to the capitol was celebrated with great ceremony, begun in garments of pure white, and ended in the midst of solemn music in vestments of glittering gold; his arrival being acclaimed in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, while those present prostrated themselves upon the earth in silent prayer for the master of the world.

While Otto III was indulging in these vagaries, Pope Sylvester, mature in years and earnest in spirit, was studiously building up the interests of the Church. New missionary efforts in the East had extended Christianity in Poland and Hungary, whose chiefs were founding new kingdoms and seeking to establish their independence of Germany by vassalage to the Papacy. When, later, Duke Stephen was recognized by Sylvester as hereditary King of Hungary, and Boleslav as King of Poland, with the assent of Otto, Germany protested against the cosmopolitan policy of the young emperor, by which the work of Otto the Great was sacrificed, and independent rival states were allowed to grow up on that eastern frontier which had been esteemed the legitimate field of German expansion. While Otto was vainly engaged in calming the disturbance in Germany, Italy fell away from his authority; and when he returned to Rome, in 1001, it was to find himself in the midst of open rebellion. The unreality of his beautiful dream suddenly burst upon his mind; and, broken in spirit, at the age of only twenty-two, on January 23, 1002, after wandering about Italy in despair of his cause, he died at Paterno, not far from Rome. In the next year Sylvester II also passed away. The iridescent bubble of the compact between the Empire and the Papacy was dissolved into thin air. All that really remained of the Empire was the German kingship, now left vacant by the fact that Otto had no son; while the Papacy, deprived of its German support, fell into the greedy hands of the Roman aristocracy, to be fought for, sold, and subjected to new humiliations.

1. The imperialist policy of the Ottos has given rise to an interesting discussion in Germany regarding its effect upon the German nation. Heinrich von Sybel, Die deutsche Nation und das Kaiserreich, Düsseldorf, 1862, has subjected the imperialist policy to a severe criticism as a vain aspiration after world dominion to the neglect of the German national interests; while Julius Picker, in his Deutsches Königtum und Kaisertum, Innsbruck, 1862, and in other writings, has defended the wisdom of that policy.

2. The promise of Otto I reads: "Tibi d. Iohanni papae ego rex Otto promittere et iurare facio: -- ut, si -- Romam venero, s. romanam ecclesiam et te, rectorem ipsius, exaltabo secundum meum posse. Et nunquam vitam aut membra neque ipsum honorem, quem nunce habes et per me habiturus eris, mea voluntate perdes. Et in Roma nullum placitum neque ordinationem faciam de omnibus, quae ad te vel ad tues Romanos pertinent, sine tuo consilio," etc. -- Jaffé, Regesta, II, 588.

3. The "Privilegium of Otto I" was first printed by Baronius in 1588 from an original MS. written in gold letters on purple vellum found in the archives of St. Angelo, now in the Vatican Archives, Codex Vaticanus 1984, 3833. Muratori, and Goldast, Constitutiones Imperiales, II, p. 44, reject its authenticity; but Th. Sickel, Das Privilegium Ottos I, vindicates the document, and his conclusion is generally accepted. The text is found also in Mon. Germ. Hist., Leges, II, p. 29.

4. An account of Liutprand's mission to Byzantium is given by Schlumberger, Un empereur byzantin, pp. 592, 633. See also on the "Antapodosis" and "Legatio" of Liutpraud, Pertz in prefaces to the text in vol. V of Mon. Germ. Hist. An English translation of Liutprand's report of his mission is found in Henderson, Select Documents, Appendix.

5. This was, no doubt, the Xenodochium Romanorum, constructed at Constantinople in imitation of the "Grecostasis" at Rome, as a habitation for foreign envoys, -- an institution afterward imitated by the Ottoman Turks in their "Eldsci-Khan." The tradition that foreign envoys were to be thus separately housed was probably derived from the custom at Rome. It is still the usage at Constantinople for the foreign embassies end legations to have their residence at Pera; not merely, as might be imagined, for sanitary reasons, but from the immemorial custom of assigning to them a distinct and separate quarter. The isolation which, with the Romans, was originally the result of mere hospitality in providing a building for the use of envoys, came at last to be associated with the idea of precaution against communication with the people. Thus the Venetians prohibited by law all conversation with the diplomatic representatives of foreign governments.

6. The successful negotiation of the marriage by Pandulph in 970 is described by Schlumberger, L'épopée byzantine, pp. 188, 203. The marriage act is said to be still preserved in the archives of Wolfenbüttel.

7. The army of Otto II sang its songs of victory on the heights of Montmartre at Paris, but France was not subdued by the Empire. On the retreat, Lothair won a battle from Otto II, and in 980 peace was concluded by the restitution of Lotharingia to Germany. See Matthaei, De Händel Ottos II.


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