HOW ANCIENT AVTHORS REPORT, THE NEVV-VVORLD,
Now called America, was discovered: and part thereof first Planted by the ENGLISH, called VIRGINIA, with the Accidents and Proceedings of the same.
The first Booke.
FOR the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them not. Let this suffice.
1170.
The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales
seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certaine
Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke aduentures
by Sea: leauing Ireland North he sayled
west till he came to a Land vnknowne. Returning home and relating what
pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and
for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one
another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and
women as were desirous to liue in quietnesse, that arriued with him in
this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and
returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.
1492.
The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesian, whom they sent to discover those vnknowne parts. 1492.
1497.
But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his seruice in the yeare 1488. to King Henry the seauenth; and by accident vndertooke it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gaue a Commission to Iohn Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. Iohn and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this vnknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot
discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty
degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seauen towards the North:
for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixt gaue him a Pention of 1661.13s.4d. yearely. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.
1576.
Mr Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Metaincognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.
1583.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should
maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries within the tearme
of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to incounter
a Kings power, even here at home they fell in diuisions, and so into
confusion, that they gaue over the Designe ere it was begun, not with
standing all this losse, his vndanted spirit began againe, but his
Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Mr Hackluit.
Vpon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh,
a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, vndertooke to send to
discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other
imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her
Maiesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and
Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation.
Their Proceedings followeth.
1584.
The most famous,
renowned, and euer worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning,
iudgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh
for the discovering and planting new Lands & Countries, not
actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to be his
assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr William Sanderson
a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other
Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede prouided two small Barkes
well furnished with all necessaries, vnder the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries,
and the tenth of Iune the West Indies: which vnneedfull Southerly
course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that season
much sicknesse.
Their arrivall.
Abundance of Grapes.
The second of Iuly they fell with the coast of Florida
in shoule water, where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though
they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the
Continent: an hundred and twenty myles they sayled not finding any
harbor. The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and
anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land
adioyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent
Maiestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy
and low, but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes
over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both
on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on
euery little shrub, as also climbing towardes the tops of high Cedars,
that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance.
The Ile of Wokokon.
In Lybanus are not many.
Conference with a Salvage.
We passed by the
Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence
we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile of twentie
myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with
goodly tall Cedars. Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes,
the most white, arose by vs, with such a cry as if an Army of men had
shouted altogether. This Ile hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies,
and Foule in incredible abundance, and vsing the Authors owne phrase,
the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering them of the Aslores, Indies, or Libanus:
Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many
other of excellent smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not
any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of
them went on shore, to whom wee rowed, and he attended vs without any
signe of feare; after he had spoke much though we vnderstood not a
word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord vs, we gaue him a shirt,
a hat, wine and meate, which he liked well, and after he had well
viewed the barkes and vs, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a
quarter of a myle of vs in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with
fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there devided
it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the
Pinnace, and so departed.
The Arriuall of the Kings brother.
The next day
came diuers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with forty or
fifty men, proper people, and in their behauiour very ciuill; his name
was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa.
Leauing his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to
the poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him
well armed, he made signes to vs to sit downe without any shew of
feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his
loue. After he had made a long speech vnto vs, we presented him with
diuers toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his
people, for none of them did sit, not speake a word, but foure, on whom
we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes
all things did belong to him.
The King himselfe in
a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot
in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recouered: whereby
he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes iourney from thence.
Trade with the Salvages.
A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo
taking most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about
his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gaue vs twenty Deere skins,
worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth
fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came
aboord, and did eate and drinke with vs very merrily. Not long after he
brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well
fauoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about
her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white
Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle,
hanging downe to her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest
of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen fiue or sixe in
an eare; his apparrell as his wiues, onely the women weare their haire
long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow,
but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre
Chesnut coloured hayre.
Notes
After that these
women had beene here with vs, there came downe from all parts great
store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and diuers kinde of dyes, but
when Granganameo was present, none durst
trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he
did. When euer he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with
so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one
great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins and
fire, till it be as they would haue it. For an armour he would haue
ingaged vs a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that
wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very iust of his
promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to
keepe his word. He sent vs commonly euery day a brace of Bucks, Conies,
Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and
diuers rootes. This Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in
fiue moneths; in May they sow, in Iuly reape; in Iune they sow, in
August reape; in Iuly sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease in
the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.
The Ile Roanoak.
The great courtesie of a Woman.
The soyle is most
plentifull, sweete, whole some, and fruitfull of all other, there are
about 14. seuerall sorts of sweete swelling tymber trees: the most
parts of the vnderwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but far
greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seauen more
went twenty myle into the Riuer Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, and the euening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak,
from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9.
houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the
entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo
came running out to meete vs, (her husband was absent) commanding her
people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other she
appoynted to carry vs on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores
into the house for
stealing. When we came into the
other roome, (for there was fiue in the house) she caused vs to sit
downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of
some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her
selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide
vs victuall.
A banquet.
Skicoac a great towne.
After we had thus
dryed our selues, she brought vs into an Inner roome, where she set on
the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden
venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and
fruites of diuers kindes. There drinke is commonly water boyled with
Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the
Grape lasteth they drinke wine, More loue she could not expresse to
entertaine vs; they care but onely to defend themselues from the short
winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this
feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould vs vncredible things.
When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst vs with
their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused vs to take our armes in hand. She
perceiuing our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken,
and they beaten out of the gate: but the euening approaching we
returned to our boate, whereat she much grieuing brought our supper
halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw vs, but put our boat a
little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiuing our Ielousie,
she sent diuers men & 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side
against vs, and sent vs fiue Mats to couer vs from the raine, doing all
she could to perswade vs to her house. Though there was no cause of
doubt, we would not aduenture: for on our safety depended the voyage:
but a more kinde louing people cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine
land and the great riuer Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeieck, and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak:
those people neuer saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be aboue
two houres iourney about. Into this riuer falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many Mustells where in are Pearles: likewise another Riuer called Nomapona, on the one side where of standeth a great towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subiect to Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south. 4. dayes iourney is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa.
Pomonik.
How the Country was called Virginia.
Adioyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomonik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok vpon the great riuer Neus. These haue mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Pieneacum
invited diuers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were
altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of
the Deuill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their vse. Beyond Roanoak
are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many
Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in
length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some
places. 20. 40. or 50. my les broad, in other more, somewhere lesse.
And in this sea are 100. Iles of diuers bignesses, but to get into it,
you haue but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see
for most part be but the relations of Saluages, because it is the
first, I thought it not a misse to remember them as they are written by
them that returned & ariued in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discouery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Maiestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to vnderstand how it was planted, disolued, reuned, and enlarged,
The Performers of this voyage were these following.
Captaines- Philip Amadas.
- Arthur Berlow.
Of the Companie.
- William Grenuill.
- Iohn Wood.
- Iames Browewich.
- Henry Greene.
- Beniamen Wood.
- Simen Ferdinando.
- Nicholas Peryman.
- Iohn Hewes.
Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585.
Sir Richard Grenvils, voyage.
1585.
THe 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish Master Iohn Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master Iohn Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Vpon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger vpon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the mayne, with Manteo a saluage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualed for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a siluer Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, & Master Iohn Arundell for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he ariued at Plimouth the 18. of September. 1585.
These were left vnder the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.
| Philip Amidas Admirall. |
Master Kendall. |
Master Antony Russe. |
| Master Thomas Heryot. |
Master Gardiner. |
Master Allen. |
| Master Acton. |
Master Predeox. |
Master Michaell Pollison. |
| Master Stafford. |
Master Rogers. |
Master Thomas Bockner. |
| Master Thomas Luddington. |
Master Haruy. |
Master Iamesmason. |
| Master Maruyn. |
Master Snelling. |
Master Dauid Salter. |
| Cap. Vaghan. |
|
Master Iames Skinner. |
With diuers others to the number of 108.
Their first Plantation.
Touching the most
remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17 of August 1585. till the 18. of Iune 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The vtmost of our discouery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke.
The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine,
being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoulds that our
Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat with 4. ores, that
would carry but 15. men with their prouisions for 7. dayes: so that
because the winter approached we left those discoueries till a stronger
supply. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack
130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the
breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this
teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for
temporature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea,
besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be, excelled by any other whatsoeuer.
There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks and opposians, which came to visit vs.
Chawonoack.
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonack from Roanoack, 130. myles our
passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Nauigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.
Chawonock 700. men.
The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the riuer and iurisdiction of Chawoneck, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, it is subiect to Chawonock,
which is the greatest Prouince vpon the riuer, and the Towne it selfe
can put seuen hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the
rest. The King is lame, but hath more vnderstanding then all the rest.
Menatonon his Relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich Mine, & the Sea by it.
The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomesok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock,
it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to
row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this riuer,
and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it & is thirtie or fortie dayes Iourney to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Iourney in a Canow vp the riuer Chawonock,
then landing & going foure dayes Iourney Northeast, there is a King
whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an
Iland in a Bay inuironed with deepe water, where he taketh that
abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also
his beds and houses are garnished there with. This king was at Chawonock
two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I
had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of
white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserued them; he
promised me guides to him, but aduised me to goe strong, for he was
vnwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is
populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolued to
haue sent a small Barke to the Northward to haue found it, whilest I
with small Boates and 200. men would haue gone to the head of the riuer
Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land,
inskonsing my selfe euery two dayes, where I would leaue Garrisons for
my retreat till I came to this Bay.
Very neare vnto it is the riuer of Moratoc,
directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke,
which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats ouer it
into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent
streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to haue Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Saluages, we as narrowly escaped staruing in that Discouery as euer men did.
Pemissapan his trechery.
The discouery of the riuer Moratoc.
A noble resolution.
For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death of his brother Granganameo, had giuen both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok,
vrging me daily to goe against them, and them against vs; a great
assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so
dismay them, that we had the better of them: & this confederacy
against vs was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks,
I came to inuade them, that they all fled vp into the high Country, so
that where I assured my selfe both of succour and prouision, I found
all abandoned. But being thus farre on my iourney 160. myles from home,
and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds,
stormes, and the Saluages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any:
I gaue my Company to vnderstand we were onely drawne forth vpon these
vaine hopes by the Saluages to bring vs to confusion: a Councell we
held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolued
but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they
would not leaue the search of that riuer; for they had two Mastiue
Dogs, which boy led with Saxefras leaues (if the worst fell
out) vpon them and the pottage they
would liue two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they
should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.
The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.
Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a prouince called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador;
they say they take it out of a riuer that falleth swiftly from high
rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, couered with leather, leauing
a part open to receiue the mettall, which by the change of the colour
of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and
haue the Bowlefull, which they cast into the fire, it presently
melteth, and doth yeeld in fiue parts at the first melting two parts
mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks haue such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but neuer at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes iourney overland from the Mangoaks.
The great currant of the river Moratoc.
Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guids to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks
is but one dayes iourney, but seauen by water, which made me so willing
to haue met them for some assay of this mettall: but when we came there
we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires.
After our two dayes iourney, and our victuals spent, in the euening we
heard some call as we thought Manteo, who
was with me in the boat; this made vs glad, he made them a friendly
answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he
told vs they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes
about the boat, but did not hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we
landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So
the next morning we returned to the mouth of the riuer, that cost vs
foure dayes rowing vp, and here our dogs pottage stood vs in good
stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound,
and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded vs fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought vs to Roanocke.
I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly
inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the
world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided
there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be
Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the riuer Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico,
or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same,
which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by
insconsing foure dayes iourney to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.
The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discouery of it; and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.
The Conspiracy of Pemissapan.
The death of a most rare Salvage.
ENsenore a Saluage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo,
when I was in those Discoueries, could not prevaile any thing with the
King from destroying vs, that all this time God had preferued, by his
good counsell to the King to be friendly vnto vs. Pemissapan
thinking as the brute was in this last iourney we were flaine and
starued, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not
defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no
more credit for vs: for he began by all the deuises he could to inuade
vs. But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw vs all returne,
the report false,
and had Manteo,
and three Saluages more with vs, how little we esteemed all the people
we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had
brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with vs to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his deuises, and brought Ensenore
in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and
our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead,
then liuing, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and
strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time,
then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among
them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my
returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe seruant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subiection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that vpon the aduise of Ensenore,
when we were ready to famish they came and made vs wires, and planted
their fields they intended to abandon (we not hauing one corne till the
next haruest to sustuine vs). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his deuises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by vs, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from vs. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seuen or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore.
Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs
and prouision: the rest come out of the mayne vpon the Signall by fire.
Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans
men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds
that couered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they
might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr Heriots,
and the rest: for all should haue beene fired at an instant. In the
meane time they should fell vs nothing, and in the night spoyle our
wires, to make nenessitie disperse vs. For if we were but ten together,
a hundred of them would not meddle with vs. So our famine increased, I
was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr Predeox with ten to Hatarask vpon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to liue vpon rootes and Oysters.
A slaughter of two Salvages.
Pemissapan slaine and 8. others.
Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests
so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull,
and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such
tales, and all his proiects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well vsed by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan
to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he
would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come
himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time
eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so
much company, I resolued the next day to goe visit him, but first to
giue them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all
their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I
ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the
shore, ouerthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; wherevpon the cry
arose, being by their spyes perceiued: for they kept as good watch over
vs, as we of them. Vpon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes:
three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the
woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would haue stole my prisoner Skito.
Here vpon he did abide my comming, & being among eight of the
principallest, I gaue the watchword to my men, and immediately they had
that they purposed
for vs. Himselfe being shot through
with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start vp and ran away
from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they
tooke him and cut off his head.
A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake.
Seauen dayes after Captaine Stafforton
sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me
himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he
neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or
foule, to performe any serious seruice committed to him.) He brought me
a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose
generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats,
munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and vpon
good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns,
with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure
small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All
this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure
dayes, that had like to haue driuen the whole Fleete on shore: many of
them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately giuen me was
one, with all my prouision and Company appoynted.
Not with standing,
the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with
all prouisions as before, to carry me into England
the next August, or when I had performed such Discoueries as I thought
fit. Yet they durst not vndertake to bring her into the harbour, but
she must ride in the road, leauing the care of the rest to my selfe,
advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my
best speed returne him answer.
Virginia abandoned.
Herevpon calling my
Company together, who were all as priuy of the Generals offer as my
selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former
miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to vrge him, we might all goe with him for England
in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more
perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies.
So with prayses to God we set sayle in Iune 1586. and arriued in Portsmouth the 27. of Iuly the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie,
To reason lend me thine attentiue eares,
Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares:
Least that's here thus proiected for thy good;
By thee reiected be, ere vnderstood.
Written by Mr Ralph Layne, Governour.
The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.
For Marchandize and Victualls.
Cõmodities.
WHat before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr Thomas Heriot,
with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts,
Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be
vsefull; because I haue writ it before for the most part in the
Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Wormesilke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata,
Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that hold
Silver, Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would
not trouble you with one thing twice.
Dyes.
For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds.
A strange Salt.
What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange, growing foure foote high; the seede will make good broth, and the
stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we vsed of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.
Rootes.
Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China
roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the
leafe is far vnlike, which will climbe vp to the top of the highest
tree: the vse knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe &
straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft vse for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England.
Fruits thats strange.
Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.
Beasts extraordinary.
Saquenuckot and Maquowoc,
two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some
places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people
make them mantels of their skins. I haue the names of 28. severall
sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we haue
discouered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and
eate him.
Fish.
There is plentie of
Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance;
some such as ours, but the most part of 18.20.or 24. ynches long, and
more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wiues, Plaice, Tortoises
both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles,
Crevises, Secanank: we haue the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their
names we know not.
Foules.
Turkyes, Stockdoues,
Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I
haue the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are
such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.
Their Natures and Manners.
Their Clothing,
Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are
much like them in that part of Virginia we
now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description thereof.
But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.
Their Religion.
How the world was made.
Some Religion they
haue, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is
there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeue there are
many gods which they call Mantoac, but of
different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that
hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first
to make the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to be
as instruments to be vsed in the Creation and government to follow: And
after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the
instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were
made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of
creatures that are visible or invisible.
How man was made.
For mankinde they
say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods
conceiued and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning,
but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but
onely Tradition from Father to sonne.
How they vse their gods.
They thinke that all
the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in
the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa;
them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and
make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods.
Whether they goe after death.
They beleeue the
immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according
to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried vp to the
Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happpinesse, or to Popogusse, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.
Two men risen from death.
To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and revived
againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the
country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the
earth over him being seene to moue, was taken vp, who told them his
soule was very neare entering into Popogusso,
had not one of the gods saued him and gaue him leaue to returne againe,
to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment. The
other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from vs,
which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, & taken
vp as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the
graue, yet his soule liued, and had travailed far in a long broad way,
on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and
fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most braue
and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long
agoe, who gaue him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good
there was to doe, to inioy the pleasures of that place; which when hee
had done hee should come againe.
The subtiltie of their Priests.
What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests;
this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they haue great
respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after
death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they haue divers sorts of punishments
according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And
this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall
familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure
grounded, nor gaue such credit, but through conversing with vs, they
were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration
of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for
want of vtterance in their Language to expresse.
Their simplicitie.
Most things they saw
with vs as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea Compasses; the vertue of the
Loadstone, Perspectiue Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of
themselues; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their
capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then
men; or at least the gods had taught vs how to make them, which loued
vs so much better then them; & caused many of them giue credit to
what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my
best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the
Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any
such vertue as I thought they did conceiue. Notwithstanding many would
be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their
breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.
Their desire of salvation.
The King Wingina
where we dwelt, would oft be with vs at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding
sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests,
thinking he was in such danger for offending vs and our God, sent for
some of vs to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might liue with him
after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange
Accident (leauing others) will I mention before I end, which mooued the
whole Country that either knew or heard of vs, to haue vs in wonderfull
admiration.
A wonderfull Accident.
There was no Towne
where they had practised any villany against vs (we leaving it
vnpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by
gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to
dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an
hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers.
And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but
where they had vsed some practise to betray vs. And this disease was so
strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had
they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by
vs, as also by themselues, in so much that some of them who were our
friends, especially Wingina, had observed
such effects in foure or fiue Townes, that they were perswaded it was
the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and
slay whom we would, without weapons, and not come
neare them. And therevpon, when
they had any vnderstanding, that any of their enemies abused vs in our
Iourneyes, they would intreat vs, we would be a meanes to our God, that
they, as the others that had dealt ill with vs, might dye in like sort:
although we shewed them their requests were vngodly; and that our GOD
would not subiect himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things
as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selues his true
servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect
fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it
came to passe by our meanes, and would come giue vs thankes in their
manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had
fulfilled their desires.
Their strange opinions.
This marueilous
Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of vs, that
they could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men. And the rather
that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne
to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for
any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and
therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many
yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie
there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take
their places. Those that were to come after vs they imagined to be in
the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our
intreaties, for loue of vs, did make the people die as they did, by
shooting invisible bullets into them.
To confirme this,
their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would
make the simple people beleeue, that the strings of bloud they sucked
out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets
were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selues from the
place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended vs, as we
lifted, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall
worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no
lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially
some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet
which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: but
to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an
Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or
alledge. These their opinions I haue set downe, that you may see there
is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and loue vs, by
good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the
latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake
shewed themselues too furious, in slaying some of the people in some
Townes, vpon causes that on our part might haue bin borne with more
mildnesse; notwithstanding they iustly had deserued it. The best
neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured
and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with
consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure
them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.
Palling.
Thus you may see, How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments,
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers wayes and divers workes, the world might better grace.
Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.
How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieue them.
1586.
IN the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before
they set sayle from England it was Easter. And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony vp in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England.
Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men.
About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill
accompanied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not
finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing
any newes of the Collony there seated, and
left by him as is said 1585 travailing vp and downe to seeke them, but
when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation
abandoned, vnwilling to lose the possession of the Country, after good
deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.
Where many began
strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused
me remember an old saying of Euripides.
Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles vntaught, Himselfe shall iudged be vnwise, and good for naught.
Three Ships more sent to relieue them by Mr. White.
Master White his Voyages.
1587.
WE went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we fayled not much to haue beene cast away, vpon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of Iuly, and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill.
But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation
had beene, the houses vnhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort
defaced, which much perplexed vs.
One of the Councell slaine.
By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo,
whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to haue some newes of
our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo,
they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might
be a token giuen to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by
misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.
How the fiftie men were slaine.
The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan
to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our old
acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring
their King and Governours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We also vnderstood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set vpon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack.
First they intruded themselues among 11 of them by friendship, one they
slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that
our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage
among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently
dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but
our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had
rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke vp foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they
knew not whether. So taking our leaues of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.
The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeick, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from Raonoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards vs as a most faithfull English man) he set forward.
An ill misprision.
A child borne in Virginia.
The next day by
breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them
sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled
into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to haue
beene fully revenged, but we were deceiued, for they were our friends
come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they vnderstood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to haue payd too deare for it, had we not chanced vpon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford,
that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our
purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest vnspoyled,
and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with vs to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieued Manteo,
yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise
to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our
Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.
A controversie who to send for Factor to England.
Our ships being
ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut
her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that
made vs doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were
on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and
the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as Factor for
them all to England; for all refused saue
one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a
generall consent, they would haue the Governour goe himselfe, for that
they thought none would so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which
though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would
not cease till he vndertooke it, and had it vnder all their hands how
vnwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine
him. At their setting sayle for England,
waighing Anchor, twelue of the men in the fly boat were throwne from
the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt,
that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like
fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their
Admirall to Flowres and Coruos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the fly boats men grew so weake they were driuen to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.
The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,
| Iohn White Governour. |
Christopher Couper. |
Dionis Haruie. |
| Roger Bayley. |
Thomas Stevens. |
Roger Prat. |
| Ananias Dare. |
Iohn Samson. |
George How. |
| Simon Ferdinando. |
Thomas Smith. |
Antony Cage. |
With divers others to the number of about 115.
The fift Voyage to Virginia;
vndertaken by Mr. Iohn White. 1589.
1589. Master White his returne to Virginia.
Captaine Spicer and seauen others drowned.
They finde where they had buryed their provisions.
THe 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon, But by reason of ill weather it was the 11, ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask
in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where
we might perceiue a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587.
The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer,
& their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged
some Ordnance to giue them notice of our comming, but when we came
there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately:
and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer
had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke
ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The
Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a
sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods
good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook,
though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard
at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach vpon the
barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner,
their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her,
the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade
to shore, but the sea beat them downe. The boat thus tossed vp and
downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner
hung there till they were drowne; but 4. that could swim a little, kept
themselues in deeper water, were saued by the meanes of Captaine Cook,
that presently vpon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to
saue what he could. Thus of eleuen, seuen of the chiefest were drowned.
This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any
more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines
forwardnes at last they fitted themselues againe for Hatorask
in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a
fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we
heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the
grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went vp and downe the Ile,
and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O.
which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them,
according to a secret note betweene them & me: which was to write
the name of the place they would be in, vpon some tree, dore, or post:
and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a
crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles
into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a
place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all
taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very
Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carued in fayre capitall
Letters CROATAN, without any signe of
distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers,
Iron shor, and such like heauie things throwne here and there,
overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to feeke for
their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them.
At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had beene hidden and
digged vp againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and scattered vp and
downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but
bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much
grieued me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to haue bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.
The end of this Plantation.
The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan:
having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes where of we
lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a
drift, we sayled not much there to haue split. But God bringing vs into
deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision
neare spent, were solued to goe forthwith to S. Iohns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selues and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to secke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado.
But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were constrained for
the Westerne Iles to refresh our selues, where we met with many of the
Queenes ships our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of
Seeptember 1590. And thus we left seeking our Colony, that was neuer
any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. And this was the
conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge
consumed. Whereby we see;
Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings vpon men.
Written by Master Iohn White.
A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.
1602.
12. yeares it lay dead.
ALL hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth vpon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured vs not at the first, but forced vs as far Southward as the Asores,
which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence,
whereby we made our iourney shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues:
the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance
of the coast, caused vs carry but a low sayle, that made our passage
longer then we expected.
Their first landing.
On fryday the 11. of
May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certaine hummocks
or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne
with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians
in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord vs. It
seemed by their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners
had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the barbour being
naught, & doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed,
and stood to the Southward into the Sea. The next morning we found our
selues imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we
anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe,
& three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand & a
bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils
we could see, where we perceiued this headland part of the mayn, neare
invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper,
lusty young man came to vs, with whom we had but small conference, and
so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew
what to doe with, which made vs perswade our selues, there might be
found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.
Martha's Vineyard.
At length we
came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6, from the
Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse,
without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit;
the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so
overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes
we might perceiue there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises,
Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts
we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which
made vs call it Martha's Vineyard.
Elizabeths Island.
The rest of the
Isles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured
stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians,
yet we could not see their habitations: they gaue vs fish, Tobacco, and
such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two
leagues from the Maine, & 16, myle about, invironed so with creekes
and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages
like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other
fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow
Wheat, Barley, Oates, & Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung vp 9.
inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust therof gray, a foot or
lesle in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaues thrise so
broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell,
Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit
thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is
a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as
Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the
midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood:
here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose
young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as
egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches vnder
ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs,
Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to
cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those
places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called
this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we
went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the
beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes,
whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large and full of greene
grasse, &c.
A Copper Mine.
Their return.
Here we espyed 7.
Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our courteous
vsage of them, they followed vs to the necke of Land, which we thought
had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here we
imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to
discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no
doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day
we determined to fortifie our selues in the Isle in the lake. Three
weekes we spent in building vs there a house. But the second day after
our comming from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came
towards vs. Being vnwilling they should see our building, we went to,
& exchanged with them Kniues, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such
trifles, for some Bevers, Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes,
and such like. We saw them haue much red Copper, whereof they make
chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they
would giue vs for small toyes, & signified vnto vs they had it out
of the earth in the Mayne: three dayes they stayed with vs, but every
night retyred two or three myle from vs: after with many signes of loue
and friendship they departed, seaven of them staying behind, that did
helpe vs to dig and carry Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being
of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Salvages we had
yet incountred. They haue no Beards but counterfeits, as they did
thinke ours also was: for which they would haue changed with some of
our men that had great beards. Some of the baser for would steale; but
the better sort, we found very civill and iust. We saw but three of
their women, and they were but of meane stature, attyred in skins like
the men,
but fat and well favoured. The
whole somenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue
the people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect
constitution of body, actiue, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as
the fundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For
our selues, we found our selues rather increase in health and strength
then otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of
vs was touched with any sicknesse. T'welue intended here a while to
haue stayed, but vpon better consideration, how meanely we were
provided, we left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as
were before desirous to see it) the 18. of Iune, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of Iuly.
But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay,
As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.
And, Such thoughts men haue, on earth that doe but liue,
As men may craue, but God doth onely giue.
Written by Iohn Brierton
one of the Voyage.
A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the Northpart of Virginia. 1603.
1603.
BY the inducements and perswasions of Mr Richard Hackluite, Mr Iohn Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 10001. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an vnderstanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes vpon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of Iune, fell vpon the north part of Virginia,
about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most
sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry
sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay,
they were kindly vsed by the Natiues, that came to them, in troupes, of
tens, twenties, & thirties, and sometimes more. But because in this
Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and haue made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;
Lay hands vnto this worke with all thy wit,
But pray that God would speed and perfit it.
Robert Salterne.
A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King IAMES.
1605.
Dangerous shoules.
Cod and Whales.
Their first landing.
VPon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisiõs as could possibly be gotten, we put
to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with Flowres and Coruos.
We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39. But the
winds so crossed vs wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits,
we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6 leagues we had
but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy
clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from vs, but ere we had run two
leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4.
fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those
shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no
small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we
could desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so
much desired, and at the first sight reioyced, as now we all ioyfully
praysed God that he had delivered vs from so eminent danger. Here we
found excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies
before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood &
water caused vs take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the
shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea cards most directly false. The
17. of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not
approach it. The next day it appeared to vs a mayne high land, but we
found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: within a league of it we
came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood & water, of which we
found sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts in
many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch, Beech, &
Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and
Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed among the
rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod enough.
Pentecost harbour.
The Captains diligence.
From hence we might
discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the next day because
we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles
adioyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode, defended
from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6.7.8.9. or 10. fadom
vpon a clay oze. This was vpon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour.
Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the
painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes most
carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: but his
labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not onely
incouraged others with better content, but also effected much with
great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where among our
garden-feeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes grew vp 8.
ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much
inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.
Trade with the Salvages.
After we had taken
order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these
Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we found here all
sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew,
Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished
themselues setled here. Vpon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to
discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards
the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord
with 3. men, and by our good vsage of them not long after the rest, two
dayes we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at
Elizabeths Isles, therefore this may
suffice for their description. In this time our Captain had discovered
a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles, and returned backe to
bring in the ship. The Salvages also kept their words and brought vs
40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in
kniues, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we vsed them so
kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country,
they lying aboord with vs and we ashore with them; but it was but as
changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had
their companies.
Their trechery.
Fiue Salvages surprised.
At last they desired
our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with
14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their Canowes then we
with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would not stay aboord vs
as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw vs into a narrow
cirke, we exchanged one Owen Griffin
with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could
discover any trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283.
Salvages with bowes & arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as
they pretended. These things considered, we conceited them to be but as
all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found opportunitie to do
mischiefe. Wherefore we determined to take some of them, before they
should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent
themselues from vs, so the first that ever after came into the ship
were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with much adoe,
with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes.
A description of the river.
Some time we spent
in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts, and we
found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the
interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord vs, signifying we
should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We excused
our selues why we could not, but vsed them kindly, yet got them away
with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceiued by them
in the houle, then we went vp the river 26. myles, of which I had
rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, it is in breadth
a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6.7.8.9. or 10. fadom, &
on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coues, to containe in many of
them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor,
onely mored with a Hanser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make,
docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most
rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither
rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth
make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, it by cleansing
away the woods she were converted into meadow.
The woods are great,
and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and well watered with
many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion,
report, though they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not
comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7.
myles higher then the salt water flowed; we marched towards the
mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot, & our labour so
great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we had erected a
crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we went
the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a
Canow that much desired one of our men to go vp to their Basshabet,
but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had
both time and provision to haue discovered much more, and might haue
found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small,
we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for
our private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke
good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which
was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the
Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St Georges Isles, & because on sunday we set out of England,
on sunday also the 16. of Iune we departed hence. When we had run 30.
leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches
more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know
what to doe with, and the 18. of Iuly came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.
Thus may you see;
God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,
Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;
All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none.
Written by Ignies Rosier one of the Voyage.
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