In his "rules of civility" Washington enjoined that "those of high Degree
ought to treat" "Artificers & Persons of low Degree" "with affibility &
Courtesie, without Arrogancy," and it was a needed lesson to every young
Virginian, for, as Jefferson wrote, "the whole commerce between master and
slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most
insulting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the
other."
Augustine Washington's will left to his son George "Ten negro Slaves,"
with an additional share of those "not herein particularly Devised," but
all to remain in the possession of Mary Washington until the boy was
twenty-one years of age. With his taking possession of the Mount Vernon
estate in his twenty-second year eighteen more came under Washington's
direction. In 1754 he bought a "fellow" for £40.5, another (Jack) for
£52.5, and a negro woman (Clio) for £50. In 1756 he purchased of the
governor a negro woman and child for £60, and two years later a fellow
(Gregory) for £60.9. In the following year (the year of his marriage) he
bought largely: a negro (Will) for £50; another for £60; nine for £406, an
average of £45; and a woman (Hannah) and child, £80. In 1762 he added to
the number by purchasing seven of Lee Massey for £300 (an average of £43),
and two of Colonel Fielding Lewis at £115, or £57.10 apiece. From the
estate of Francis Hobbs he bought, in 1764, Ben, £72; Lewis, £36.10; and
Sarah, £20. Another fellow, bought of Sarah Alexander, cost him £76; and a
negro (Judy) and child, sold by Garvin Corbin, £63. In 1768 Mary Lee sold
him two mulattoes (Will and Frank) for £61.15 and £50, respectively; and
two boys (negroes), Adam and Frank, for £19 apiece. Five more were
purchased in 1772, and after that no more were bought. In 1760 Washington
paid tithes on forty-nine slaves, five years later on seventy-eight, in
1770 on eighty-seven, and in 1774 on one hundred and thirty-five; besides
which must be included the "dower slaves" of his wife. Soon after this
there was an overplus, and Washington in 1778 offered to barter for some
land "Negroes, of whom I every day long more to get clear of," and even
before this he had learned the economic fact that except on the richest of
soils slaves "only add to the Expence."
In 1791 he had one hundred and fifteen "hands" on the Mount Vernon estate,
besides house servants, and De Warville, describing his estate in the same
year, speaks of his having three hundred negroes. At this time Washington
declared that "I never mean (unless some particular circumstance compel me
to it) to possess another slave by purchase," but this intention was
broken, for "The running off of my cook has been a most inconvenient thing
to this family, and what rendered it more disagreeable, is that I had
resolved never to become the Master of another slave by purchase, but this
resolution I fear I must break. I have endeavored to hire, black or white,
but am not yet supplied."
A few more slaves were taken in payment of a debt, but it was from
necessity rather than choice, for at this very time Washington had decided
that "it is demonstratively clear, that on this Estate (Mount Vernon) I
have more working negros by a full moiety, than can be employed to any
advantage in the farming system, and I shall never turn Planter thereon.
To sell the overplus I cannot, because I am principled against this kind
of traffic in the human species. To hire them out, is almost as bad,
because they could not be disposed of in families to any advantage, and to
disperse the families I have an aversion. What then is to be done?
Something must or I shall be ruined; for all the money (in addition to
what I raise by crops, and rents) that have been received for Lands,
sold within the last four years, to the amount of Fifty thousand dollars,
has scarcely been able to keep me afloat." And writing of one set he said,
"it would be for my interest to set them free, rather than give them
victuals and cloaths."
The loss by runaways was not apparently large. In October, 1760, his
ledger contains an item of seven shillings "To the Printing Office ... for
Advertising a run-a-way Negro." In 1761 he pays his clergyman, Rev. Mr.
Green, "for taking up one of my Runaway Negroes £4." In 1766 rewards are
paid for the "taking up" of "Negro Tom" and "Negro Bett." The "taking up
of Harry when Runaway" in 1771 cost £1.16. When the British invaded
Virginia in 1781, a number escaped or were carried away by the enemy. By
the treaty of peace these should have been returned, and their owner
wrote, "Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives
at my house may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their
description--their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to
give you. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I
will be much obliged by your securing them, so that I may obtain them
again."
In 1796 a girl absconded to New England, and Washington made inquiries of
a friend as to the possibility of recovering her, adding, "however well
disposed I might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entire
emancipation of that description of people (if the latter was in itself
practicable) at this moment, it would neither be politic nor just to
reward unfaithfulness with a premature preference, and thereby discontent
beforehand the minds of all her fellow servants, who, by their steady
attachment, are far more deserving than herself of favor," and at this
time Washington wrote to a relative, "I am sorry to hear of the loss of
your servant; but it is my opinion these elopements will be much more,
before they are less frequent; and that the persons making them should
never be retained--if they are recovered, as they are sure to contaminate
and discontent others."
Another source of loss was sickness, which, in spite of all Washington
could do, made constant inroads on the numbers. A doctor to care for them
was engaged by the year, and in the contracts with his overseers clauses
were always inserted that each was "to take all necessary and proper care
of the Negroes committed to his management using them with proper humanity
and descretion," or that "he will take all necessary and proper care of
the negroes committed to his management, treating them with humanity and
tenderness when sick, and preventing them when well, from running about
and visiting without his consent; as also forbid strange negroes
frequenting their quarters without lawful excuses for so doing."
Furthermore, in writing to his manager, while absent from Mount Vernon,
Washington reiterated that "although it is last mentioned it is foremost
in my thoughts, to desire you will be particularly attentive to my negros
in their sickness; and to order every overseer positively to be so
likewise; for I am sorry to observe that the generality of them view these
poor creatures in scarcely any other light than they do a draught horse or
ox; neglecting them as much when they are unable to work; instead of
comforting and nursing them when they lye on a sick bed." And in another
letter he added, "When I recommended care of, and attention to my negros
in sickness, it was that the first stage of, and the whole progress
through the disorders with which they might be seized (if more than a
slight indisposition) should be closely watched, and timely applications
and remedies be administered; especially in the pleurisies, and all
inflammatory disorders accompanied with pain, when a few days' neglect, or
want of bleeding might render the ailment incurable. In such cases
sweeten'd teas, broths and (according to the nature of the complaint, and
the doctor's prescription) sometimes a little wine, may be necessary to
nourish and restore the patient; and these I am perfectly willing to
allow, when it is requisite. My fear is, as I expressed to you in a former
letter, that the under overseers are so unfeeling, in short viewing the
negros in no other light than as a better kind of cattle, the moment they
cease to work, they cease their care of them."
At Mount Vernon his care for the slaves was more personal. At a time when
the small-pox was rife in Virginia he instructed his overseer "what to do
if the Small pox should come amongst them," and when he "received letters
from Winchester, informing me that the Small pox had got among my quarters
in Frederick; [I] determin'd ... to leave town as soon as possible, and
proceed up to them.... After taking the Doctors directions in regard to my
people ... I set out for my quarters about 12 oclock, time enough to go
over them and found every thing in the utmost confusion, disorder and
backwardness.... Got Blankets and every other requisite from Winchester,
and settl'd things on the best footing I cou'd, ... Val Crawford agreeing
if any of those at the upper quarter got it, to have them remov'd into my
room and the Nurse sent for."
Other sickness was equally attended to, as the following entries in his
diary show: "visited my Plantations and found two negroes sick ... ordered
them to be blooded;" "found that lightening had struck my quarters and
near 10 Negroes in it, some very bad but with letting blood they
recover'd;" "ordered Lucy down to the House to be Physikd," and "found the
new negro Cupid, ill of a pleurisy at Dogue Run Quarter and had him brot
home in a cart for better care of him.... Cupid extremely Ill all this day
and at night when I went to bed I thought him within a few hours of
breathing his last."
This matter of sickness, however, had another phase, which caused
Washington much irritation at times when he could not personally look into
the cases, but heard of them through the reports of his overseers. Thus,
he complained on one occasion, "I find by reports that Sam is, in a
manner, always returned sick; Doll at the Ferry, and several of the
spinners very frequently so, for a week at a stretch; and ditcher Charles
often laid up with lameness. I never wish my people to work when they are
really sick, or unfit for it; on the contrary, that all necessary care
should be taken of them when they are so; but if you do not examine into
their complaints, they will lay by when no more ails them, than all those
who stick to their business, and are not complaining from the fatigue and
drowsiness which they feel as the effect of night walking and other
practices which unfit them for the duties of the day." And again he asked,
"Is there anything particular in the cases of Ruth, Hannah and Pegg, that
they have been returned sick for several weeks together? Ruth I know is
extremely deceitful; she has been aiming for some time past to get into
the house, exempt from work; but if they are not made to do what their age
and strength will enable them, it will be a bad example for others--none
of whom would work if by pretexts they can avoid it"
Other causes than running away and death depleted the stock. One negro was
taken by the State for some crime and executed, an allowance of sixty-nine
pounds being made to his master. In 1766 an unruly negro was shipped to
the West Indies (as was then the custom), Washington writing the captain
of the vessel,--
"With this letter comes a negro (Tom) which I beg the favor of you to sell
in any of the islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch, and bring
me in return for him
"One hhd of best molasses
"One ditto of best rum
"One barrel of lymes, if good and cheap
"One pot of tamarinds, containing about 10 lbs.
"Two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats, about 5 lbs. each.
And the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. That this fellow is
both a rogue and a runaway (tho' he was by no means remarkable for the
former, and never practised the latter till of late) I shall not pretend
to deny. But that he is exceeding healthy, strong, and good at the hoe,
the whole neighborhood can testify, and particularly Mr. Johnson and his
son, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which gives
me reason to hope he may with your good management sell well, if kept
clean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale."
Another "misbehaving fellow" was shipped off in 1791, and was sold for
"one pipe and Quarter Cask of wine from the West Indies." Sometimes only
the threat of such riddance was used, as when an overseer complained of
one slave, and his master replied, "I am very sorry that so likely a
fellow as Matilda's Ben should addict himself to such courses as he is
pursuing. If he should be guilty of any atrocious crime, that would effect
his life, he might be given up to the civil authority for trial; but for
such offences as most of his color are guilty of, you had better try
further correction, accompanied with admonition and advice. The two latter
sometimes succeed where the first has failed. He, his father and mother
(who I dare say are his receivers) may be told in explicit language, that
if a stop is not put to his rogueries and other villainies, by fair means
and shortly, that I will ship him off (as I did Wagoner Jack) for the West
Indies, where he will have no opportunity of playing such pranks as he is
at present engaged in."
It is interesting to note, in connection with this conclusion, that
"admonition and advice" were able to do what "correction" sometimes failed
to achieve, that there is not a single order to whip, and that the above
case, and that which follows, are the only known cases where punishment
was approved. "The correction you gave Ben, for his assault on Sambo, was
just and proper. It is my earnest desire that quarrels may be stopped or
punishment of both parties follow, unless it shall appear clearly,
that one only is to blame, and the other forced into [a quarrel] from
self-defence." In one other instance Washington wrote, "If Isaac had his
deserts he would receive a severe punishment for the house, tools and
seasoned stuff, which has been burned by his carelessness." But instead of
ordering the "deserts" he continued, "I wish you to inform him, that I
sustain injury enough by their idleness; they need not add to it by their
carelessness."
This is the more remarkable, because his slaves gave him constant
annoyance by their wastefulness and sloth and dishonesty. Thus, "Paris has
grown to be so lazy and self-willed" that his master does not know what to
with him; "Doll at the Ferry must be taught to knit, and made to do a
sufficient day's work of it--otherwise (if suffered to be idle) many more
will walk in her steps"; "it is observed by the weekly reports, that the
sewers make only six shirts a week, and the last week Carolina (without
being sick) made only five. Mrs. Washington says their usual task was to
make nine with shoulder straps and good sewing. Tell them therefore from
me, that what has been done, shall be done"; "none I think call louder
for [attention] than the smiths, who, from a variety of instances which
fell within my own observation whilst I was at home, I take to be two very
idle fellows. A daily account (which ought to be regularly) taken of their
work, would alone go a great way towards checking their idleness." And the
overseer was told to watch closely "the people who are at work with the
gardener, some of whom I know to be as lazy and deceitful as any in the
world (Sam particularly)."
Furthermore, the overseers were warned to "endeavor to make the Servants
and Negroes take care of their cloathes;" to give them "a weekly
allowance of Meat ... because the annual one is not taken care of but
either profusely used or stolen"; and to note "the delivery to and the
application of nails by the carpenters,... [for] I cannot conceive how it
is possible that 6000 twelve penny nails could be used in the corn house
at River Plantation; but of one thing I have no great doubt, and that is,
if they can be applied to other uses, or converted into cash, rum or other
things there will be no scruple in doing it."
When robbed of some potatoes, Washington complained that "the
deception ... is of a piece with other practices of a similar kind by which
I have suffered hitherto; and may serve to evince to you, in strong colors,
first how little confidence can be placed in any one round you; and
secondly the necessity of an accurate inspection into these things
yourself,--for to be plain, Alexandria is such a recepticle for every thing
that can be filched from the right owners, by either blacks or whites; and
I have such an opinion of my negros (two or three only excepted), and not
much better of some of the whites, that I am perfectly sure not a single
thing that can be disposed of at any price, at that place, that will not,
and is not stolen, where it is possible; and carried thither to some of the
underlying keepers, who support themselves by this kind of traffick." He
dared not leave wine unlocked, even for the use of his guests, "because
the knowledge I have of my servants is such, as to believe, that if
opportunities are given them, they will take off two glasses of wine for
every one that is drank by such visitors, and tell you they were used by
them." And when he had some work to do requiring very ordinary qualities,
he had to confess that "I know not a negro among all mine, whose capacity,
integrity and attention could be relied on for such a trust as this."
Whatever his opinion of his slaves, Washington was a kind master. In one
case he wrote a letter for one of them when the "fellow" was parted from
his wife in the service of his master, and at another time he enclosed
letters to a wife and to James's "del Toboso," for two of his servants, to
save them postage. In reference to their rations he wrote, "whether this
addition ... is sufficient, I will not undertake to decide;--but in most
explicit language I desire they may have plenty; for I will not have my
feelings hurt with complaints of this sort, nor lye under the imputation
of starving my negros, and thereby driving them to the necessity of
thieving to supply the deficiency. To prevent waste or embezzlement is the
only inducement to allowancing of them at all--for if, instead of a peck
they could eat a bushel of meal a week fairly, and required it, I would
not withhold or begrudge it them." At Christmas-time there are entries in
his ledger for whiskey or rum for "the negroes," and towards the end of
his life he ordered the overseer, "although others are getting out of the
practice of using spirits at Harvest, yet, as my people have always been
accustomed to it, a hogshead of Rum must be purchased; but I request at
the same time, that it may be used sparingly."
A greater kindness of his was, in 1787, when he very much desired a negro
mason offered for sale, yet directed his agent that "if he has a family,
with which he is to be sold; or from whom he would reluctantly part, I
decline the purchase; his feelings I would not be the means of hurting in
the latter case, nor at any rate be incumbered with the former."
The kindness thus indicated bore fruit in a real attachment of the slaves
for their master. In Humphreys's poem on Washington the poet alluded to
the negroes at Mount Vernon in the lines,--
"Where that foul stain of manhood, slavery, flow'd
Through Afric's sons transmitted in the blood;
Hereditary slaves his kindness shar'd,
For manumission by degrees prepar'd:
Return'd from war, I saw them round him press,
And all their speechless glee by artless signs express."
And in a foot-note the writer added, "The interesting scene of his return
home, at which the author was present, is described exactly as it
existed."
A single one of these slaves deserves further notice. His body-servant
"Billy" was purchased by Washington in 1768 for sixty-eight pounds and
fifteen shillings, and was his constant companion during the war, even
riding after his master at reviews; and this servant was so associated
with the General that it was alleged in the preface to the "forged
letters" that they had been captured by the British from "Billy," "an old
servant of General Washington's." When Savage painted his well-known
"family group," this was the one slave included in the picture. In 1784
Washington told his Philadelphia agent that "The mulatto fellow, William,
who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of
his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family.
She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived
that the connexion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems;
they are both applying to get her here, and tho' I never wished to see her
more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on
reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years. After
premising this much, I have to beg the favor of you to procure her a
passage to Alexandria."
[Illustration Removed: SAVAGE'S PICTURE OF THE WASHINGTON FAMILY]
When acting as chain-bearer in 1785, while Washington was surveying a
tract of land, William fell and broke his knee-pan, "which put a stop to
my surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get him to Abington,
being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk,
stand or ride." From this injury Lee never quite recovered, yet he started
to accompany his master to New York in 1789, only to give out on the road.
He was left at Philadelphia, and Lear wrote to Washington's agent that
"The President will thank you to propose it to Will to return to Mount
Vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and
perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he should
incline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent
in the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be moved with
safety--but if he is still anxious to come on here the President would
gratify him, altho' he will be troublesome--He has been an old and
faithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in every
reasonable wish."
By his will Washington gave Lee his "immediate freedom or if he should
prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him and which
have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment) to
remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so--
In either case however I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his
natural life which shall be independent of the victuals and cloaths he
has been accustomed to receive; if he chuses the last alternative, but
in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first, and this I give him as
a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his faithful
services during the Revolutionary War."
Two small incidents connected with Washington's last illness are worth
noting. The afternoon before the night he was taken ill, although he had
himself been superintending his affairs on horseback in the storm most of
the day, yet when his secretary "carried some letters to him to frank,
intending to send them to the Post Office in the evening," Lear tells us
"he franked the letters; but said the weather was too bad to send a
servant up to the office that evening." Lear continues, "The General's
servant, Christopher, attended his bed side & in the room, when he was
sitting up, through his whole illness.... In the [last] afternoon the
General observing that Christopher had been standing by his bed side for a
long time--made a motion for him to sit in a chair which stood by the bed
side."
A clause in Washington's will directed that
"Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire that all the
slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom--To
emancipate them during her life, would, tho' earnestly wished by me, be
attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their
intermixture of marriages with the Dower negroes as to excite the most
painful sensations--if not disagreeable consequences from the latter,
while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it
not being in my power under the tenure by which the dower Negroes are held
to manumit them--And whereas among those who will receive freedom
according to this devise there may be some who from old age, or bodily
infirmities & others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable
to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under
the first and second description shall be comfortably cloathed and fed by
my heirs while they live and that such of the latter description as have
no parents living, or if living are unable or unwilling to provide for
them, shall be bound by the Court until they shall arrive at the age of
twenty five years.... The negroes thus bound are (by their masters and
mistresses) to be taught to read and write and to be brought up to some
useful occupation."
In this connection Washington's sentiments on slavery as an institution
may be glanced at. As early as 1784 he replied to Lafayette, when told of
a colonizing plan, "The scheme, my dear Marqs., which you propose as a
precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people of this
Country from that state of Bondage in wch. they are held, is a striking
evidence of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy to join you in
so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business,
till I have the pleasure of seeing you." A year later, when Francis Asbury
was spending a day in Mount Vernon, the clergyman asked his host if he
thought it wise to sign a petition for the emancipation of slaves.
Washington replied that it would not be proper for him, but added, "If the
Maryland Assembly discusses the matter; I will address a letter to that
body on the subject, as I have always approved of it."
When South Carolina refused to pass an act to end the slave-trade, he
wrote to a friend in that State, "I must say that I lament the decision of
your legislature upon the question of importing slaves after March 1793. I
was in hopes that motives of policy as well as other good reasons,
supported by the direful effects of slavery, which at this moment are
presented, would have operated to produce a total prohibition of the
importation of slaves, whenever the question came to be agitated in any
State, that might be interested in the measure." For his own State he
expressed the "wish from my soul that the Legislature of this State could
see the policy of a gradual Abolition of Slavery; it would prev't much
future mischief." And to a Pennsylvanian he expressed the sentiment, "I
hope it will not be conceived from these observations, that it is my wish
to hold the unhappy people, who are the subject of this letter, in
slavery. I can only say, that there is not a man living, who wishes more
sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it;
but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be
accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far
as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting."
Washington by no means restricted himself to slave servitors. Early in
life he took into his service John Alton at thirteen pounds per annum, and
this white man served as his body-servant in the Braddock campaign, and
Washington found in the march that "A most serious inconvenience attended
me in my sickness, and that was the losing the use of my servant, for poor
John Alton was taken about the same time that I was, and with nearly the
same disorder, and was confined as long; so that we did not see each other
for several days." As elsewhere noticed, Washington succeeded to the
services of Braddock's body-servant, Thomas Bishop, on the death of the
general, paying the man ten pounds a year.
These two were his servants in his trip to Boston in 1756, and in
preparation for that journey Washington ordered his English agent to send
him "2 complete livery suits for servants; with a spare cloak and all
other necessary trimmings for two suits more. I would have you choose the
livery by our arms, only as the field of the arms is white, I think the
clothes had better not be quite so, but nearly like the inclosed. The
trimmings and facings of scarlet, and a scarlet waist coat. If livery lace
is not quite disused, I should be glad to have the cloaks laced. I like
that fashion best, and two silver laced hats for the above servants."
For some reason Bishop left his employment, but in 1760 Washington "wrote
to my old servant Bishop to return to me again if he was not otherwise
engaged," and, the man being "very desirous of returning," the old
relation was reassumed. Alton in the mean time had been promoted to be
overseer of one of the plantations. In 1785 their master noted in his
diary, "Last night Jno Alton an Overseer of mine in the Neck--an old &
faithful Servant who has lived with me 30 odd years died--and this evening
the wife of Thos. Bishop, another old Servant who had lived with me an
equal number of years also died." Both were remembered in his will by a
clause giving "To Sarah Green daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, and
to Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased I give each one
hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their father[s] to
me, each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family."
Of Washington's general treatment of the serving class a few facts can be
gleaned. He told one of his overseers, in reference to the sub-overseers,
that "to treat them civilly is no more than what all men are entitled to,
but my advice to you is, to keep them at a proper distance; for they will
grow upon familiarity, in proportion as you will sink in authority if you
do not." To a housekeeper he promised "a warm, decent and comfortable room
to herself, to lodge in, and will eat of the victuals of our Table, but
not set at it, or at any time with us be her appearance what it may; for
if this was once admitted no line satisfactory to either party, perhaps
could be drawn thereafter."
In visiting he feed liberally, good examples of which are given in the
cash account of the visit to Boston in 1756, when he "Gave to Servants on
ye Road 10/." "By Cash Mr. Malbones servants £4.0.0." "The Chambermaid
£1.2.6." When the wife of his old steward, Fraunces, came to need, he gave
her "for Charity £1.17.6." The majority will sympathize rather than
disapprove of his opinion when he wrote, "Workmen in most Countries I
believe are necessary plagues;---in this where entreaties as well as money
must be used to obtain their work and keep them to their duty they baffle
all calculation in the accomplishment of any plan or repairs they are
engaged in;--and require more attention to and looking after than can be
well conceived."
The overseers of his many plantations, and his "master" carpenters,
millers, and gardeners, were quite as great trials as his slaves. First
"young Stephens" gave him much trouble, which his diary reports in
a number of sententious entries: "visited my Plantation. Severely
reprimanded young Stephens for his Indolence, and his father for suffering
it;" "forbid Stephens keeping any horses upon my expence;" "visited my
quarters & ye Mill, according to custom found young Stephens absent;"
"visited my Plantation and found to my great surprise Stephens constantly
at work;" "rid out to my Plantn. and to my Carpenters. Found Richard
Stephens hard at work with an ax--Very extraordinary this!"
Again he records, "Visited my Plantations--found Foster had been absent
from his charge since the 28th ulto. Left orders for him to come
immediately to me upon his return, and repremanded him severely." Of
another, Simpson, "I never hear ... without a degree of warmth & vexation
at his extreme stupidity," and elsewhere he expresses his disgust at "that
confounded fellow Simpson." A third spent all the fall and half the winter
in getting in his crop, and "if there was any way of making such a rascal
as Garner pay for such conduct, no punishment would be too great for him.
I suppose he never turned out of mornings until the sun had warmed the
earth, and if he did not, the negros would not." His chief overseer
was directed to "Let Mr. Crow know that I view with a very evil eye the
frequent reports made by him of sheep dying;... frequent natural deaths
is a very strong evidence to my mind of the want of care or something
worse."
Curious distinctions were made oftentimes. Thus, in the contract with an
overseer, one clause was inserted to the effect, "And whereas there are a
number of whiskey stills very contiguous to the said Plantations, and many
idle, drunken and dissolute People continually resorting to the same,
priding themselves in debauching sober and well-inclined Persons, the said
Edd Voilett doth promise as well for his own sake as his employers to
avoid them as he ought." To the contrary, in hiring a gardener, it was
agreed as part of the compensation that the man should have "four dollars
at Christmas, with which he may be drunk for four days and four nights;
two dollars at Easter to effect the same purpose; two dollars at
Whitsuntide to be drunk for two days; a dram in the morning, and a drink
of grog at dinner at noon."
With more true kindness Washington wrote to one of his underlings, "I was
very glad to receive your letter of the 31st ultimo, because I was afraid,
from the accounts given me of your spitting blood,... that you would
hardly have been able to have written at all. And it is my request that
you will not, by attempting more than you are able to undergo, with safety
and convenience, injure yourself, and thereby render me a disservice....
I had rather therefore hear that you had nursed than exposed yourself. And
the things which I sent from this place (I mean the wine, tea, coffee and
sugar) and such other matters as you may lay in by the doctor's direction
for the use of the sick, I desire you will make use of as your own
personal occasions may require."
Of one Butler he had employed to overlook his gardeners, but who proved
hopelessly unfit, Washington said, "sure I am, there is no obligation upon
me to retain him from charitable motives; when he ought rather to be
punished as an imposter: for he well knew the services he had to perform,
and which he promised to fulfil with zeal, activity, and intelligence."
Yet when the man was discharged his employer gave him a "character:" "If
his activity, spirit, and ability in the management of Negroes, were equal
to his honesty, sobriety and industry, there would not be the least
occasion for a change," and Butler was paid his full wages, no deduction
being made for lost time, "as I can better afford to be without the money
than he can."
Another thoroughly incompetent man was one employed to take charge of the
negro carpenters, of whom his employer wrote, "I am apprehensive ... that
Green never will overcome his propensity to drink; that it is this which
occasions his frequent sickness, absences from work and poverty. And I am
convinced, moreover, that it answers no purpose to admonish him." Yet,
though "I am so well satisfied of Thomas Green's unfitness to look after
Carpenters," for a time "the helpless situation in which you find his
family, has prevailed on me to retain him," and when he finally had to be
discharged for drinking, Washington said, "Nothing but compassion for his
helpless family, has hitherto induced me to keep him a moment in my
service (so bad is the example he sets); but if he has no regard for them
himself, it is not to be expected that I am to be a continual sufferer on
this account for his misconduct." His successor needed the house the
family lived in, but Washington could not "bear the thought of adding to
the distress I know they must be in, by turning them adrift;... It would
be better therefore on all accounts if they were removed to some other
place, even if I was to pay the rent, provided it was low, or make some
allowance towards it."
To many others, besides family, friends, and employees, Washington was
charitable. From an early date his ledger contains frequent items covering
gifts to the needy. To mention a tenth of them would take too much space,
but a few typical entries are worth quoting:
"By Cash gave a Soldiers wife 5/;" "To a crippled man 5/;" "Gave a man who
had his House Burnt £1.;" "By a begging woman /5;" "By Cash gave for the
Sufferers at Boston by fire £12;" "By a wounded soldier 10/;" "Alexandria
Academy, support of a teacher of Orphan children £50;" "By Charity to an
invalid wounded Soldier who came from Redston with a petition for Charity
18/;" "Gave a poor man by the President's order $2;" "Delivd to the
President to send to two distress'd french women at Newcastle $25;" "Gave
Pothe a poor old man by the President's order $2;" "Gave a poor sailor by
the Presdt order $1;" "Gave a poor blind man by the Presdt order $1.50;"
"By Madame de Seguer a french Lady in distress gave her $50;" "By
Subscription paid to Mr. Jas. Blythe towards erecting and Supporting an
Academy in the State of Kentucky $100;" "By Subscription towards an
Academy in the South Western Territory $100;" "By Charity sent Genl
Charles Pinckney in Columbus Bank Notes, for the sufferers by the fire in
Charleston So. Carolina $300;" "By Charity gave to the sufferers by fire
in Geo. Town $10;" "By an annual Donation to the Academy at Alexandria pd.
Dr. Cook $166.67;" "By Charity to the poor of Alexandria deld. to the
revd. Dr. Muir $100."
To an overseer he said, concerning a distant relative, "Mrs. Haney should
endeavor to do what she can for herself--this is a duty incumbent on every
one; but you must not let her suffer, as she has thrown herself upon me;
your advances on this account will be allowed always, at settlement; and I
agree readily to furnish her with provisions, and for the good character
you give of her daughter make the latter a present in my name of a
handsome but not costly gown, and other things which she may stand most in
need of. You may charge me also with the worth of your tenement in which
she is placed, and where perhaps it is better she should be than at a
great distance from your attentions to her."
After the terrible attack of fever in Philadelphia in 1793, Washington
wrote to a clergyman of that city,--
"It has been my intention ever since my return to the city, to contribute
my mite towards the relief of the most needy inhabitants of it. The
pressure of public business hitherto has suspended, but not altered my
resolution. I am at a loss, however, for whose benefit to apply the little
I can give, and in whose hands to place it; whether for the use of the
fatherless children and widows, made so by the late calamity, who may find
it difficult, whilst provisions, wood, and other necessaries are so dear,
to support themselves; or to other and better purposes, if any, I know
not, and therefore have taken the liberty of asking your advice. I
persuade myself justice will be done to my motives for giving you this
trouble. To obtain information, and to render the little I can afford,
without ostentation or mention of my name, are the sole objects of these
inquiries. With great and sincere esteem and regard, I am, &c."
His adopted grandson he advised to "never let an indigent person ask,
without receiving something if you have the means; always recollecting
in what light the widow's mite was viewed." And when he took command of
the army in 1775, the relative who took charge of his affairs was told to
"let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up.
Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want
of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in
idleness; and I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, to
the amount of forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think it well
bestowed. What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire that
it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself nor wife is
now in the way to do these good offices."
