In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress
of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order
of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer
with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending
both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd
this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would
furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion;
and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn
and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania.
The House approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the present,
and tho' they did not much like treating out of the provinces;
and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.
In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union
of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be
necessary for defense, and other important general purposes.
As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James
Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge
in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation,
I ventur'd to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that
several of the commissioners had form'd plans of the same kind.
A previous question was first taken, whether a union should
be established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously.
A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony,
to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen'd
to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.
By this plan the general government was to be administered by a
president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand
council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people
of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies.
The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with
the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started,
but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously
agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board
of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces.
Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they
all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England
it was judg'd to have too much of the democratic.
The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it
for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd,
supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors
of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils,
were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts,
etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense,
which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying
a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it,
is to be found among my political papers that are printed.
Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with
Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us
on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different
and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it
was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would
have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted.
The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have
defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops
from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America,
and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided.
But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states
and princes.
Look round the habitable world, how few
Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!
Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not
generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into
execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore
seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the occasion.
The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly,
express'd his approbation of the plan, "as appearing to him
to be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment,
and therefore recommended it as well worthy of their closest and
most serious attention." The House, however, by the management
of a certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent,
which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying
any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification.
In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our
new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv'd there from England, with whom
I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission
to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes his proprietary
instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr. Morris ask'd me
if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration.
I said, "No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one,
if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with
the Assembly." "My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how can
you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing;
it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard
I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible,
avoid them." He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent,
an acute sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in
argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy,
his father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with
one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner;
but I think the practice was not wise; for, in the course of
my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confuting people
are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes,
but they never get good will, which would be of more use to them.
We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.
In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly,
by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me,
he and the House were already in high contention; and it was a
continual battle between them as long as he retain'd the government.
I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in
the Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches
and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts.
Our answers, as well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes
indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly,
one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid
cutting throats; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal
difference between him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we
often din'd together.
One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in
the street. "Franklin," says he, "you must go home with me and spend
the evening; I am to have some company that you will like;" and,
taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation
over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much
admir'd the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give
him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks,
as then, if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them.
One of his friends, who sat next to me, says, "Franklin, why
do you continue to side with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you
better sell them? The proprietor would give you a good price."
"The governor," says I, "has not yet blacked them enough."
He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the Assembly in all
his messages, but they wip'd off his coloring as fast as he
laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his own face;
so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well
as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and quitted the government.
[*]These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries,
our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred
for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed
their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes,
unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused;
and they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe
such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against
this injustice, tho' constrained to bend at last. At length
Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey
those instructions; how that was brought about I shall show hereafter.
[ My acts in Morris's time, military, etc.--[Marg. note.]]
But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some
transactions to be mention'd that happened during the administration
of Governor Morris.
War being in a manner commenced with France, the government of
Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent
Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall,
to New York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly,
knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman, he appli'd to me
for my influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them,
which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds,
to be laid out in provisions. But the governor refusing his
assent to their bill (which included this with other sums granted
for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting
the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would
be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant
to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it.
Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain his assent,
but he was obstinate.
I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor,
by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law,
the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or
no money at that time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that
the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest
of five per cent. With these orders I suppos'd the provisions might
easily be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very little hesitation,
adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I
was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them.
The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency
then extant in the province upon loan, together with the revenue
arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient,
they obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment
for the provisions, but many money'd people, who had cash lying by them,
vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as they bore
interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money;
so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them
were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means compleated.
My Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial,
went home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever
after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship.
The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies
as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense,
lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength,
suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them,
sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English
troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia,
and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted
for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending, from some information,
that he had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse
to the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them,
but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle
with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty
the despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces,
with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of
which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on
this journey.
We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for
the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland
and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days,
din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing
all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had
before his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do,
to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns
of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd
that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were
in serviceable condition. The general and all the officers were
surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then at an end, being impossible,
and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a
country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage,
etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.
I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed
rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had
his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said,
"Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably
procure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd
what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and I was
desir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary.
This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions
accordingly prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will appear
in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster,
which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece
of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:
"ADVERTISEMENT.
"LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.
"Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon,
and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service
of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek,
and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower
me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice
that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day
to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning
till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons
and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: I. That
there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and
a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse
with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings
per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence
per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining
the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th
of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and
above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek
and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team,
and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent
persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of
any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according
to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days'
pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each
waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required,
and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster
of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time,
as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons
taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called
upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in
conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats,
Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp,
more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be
taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.
"Note.--My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like
contracts with any person in Cumberland county.
"B. FRANKLIN."
"To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster,
York and Cumberland.
"Friends and Countrymen,
"Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since,
I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account
of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had
been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them;
but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly,
money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.
"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties,
to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted,
and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary
to drive and take care of them.
"I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these
counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper
they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended
with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore
more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done
by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties
have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency
was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing
among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this
expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will,
for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons
and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds,
which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money.
"The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march
above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as
they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare
of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are,
for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure,
whether in a march or in a camp.
"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects
to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it
easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately
spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four
horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon,
another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay
proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your
king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable
terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected.
The king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far
for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness
to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses
must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you
will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it,
and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.
"I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the
satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour
for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses
is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general
in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar,
with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province
for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I
am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher, B. FRANKLIN."
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be
disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but, that sum
being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more,
and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred
and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp.
The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation,
in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however,
alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence
might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance,
which I accordingly gave them.
While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers
of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern
for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence,
and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores
that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness,
where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiserated their case,
and resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing,
however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the
committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money,
warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration,
and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries
and refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life,
and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter.
The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by
my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons.
They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar. 1 Gloucester cheese.
6 lbs. good Muscovado do. 1 kegg containing 20 lbs. good
1 lb. good green tea. butter.
1 lb. good bohea do. 2 doz. old Madeira wine.
6 lbs. good ground coffee. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits.
6 lbs. chocolate. 1 bottle flour of mustard.
1-2 cwt. best white biscuit. 2 well-cur'd hams.
1-2 lb. pepper. 1-2 dozen dry'd tongues.
1 quart best white wine vinegar 6 lbs. rice.
6 lbs. raisins.
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses,
each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for
one officer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness
acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments,
in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied
with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily
paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly,
and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him.
I undertook this also, and was busily employ'd in it till we heard
of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards of
one thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account.
It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle,
and he return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round
sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account.
I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able
to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.
This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have
made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had
too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of
regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians.
George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march
with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use
to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly;
but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.
In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account
of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne," says he,
"I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac,
if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne
can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing
that can obstruct my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd
in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a
very narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes,
and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French,
who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some
fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say,
"To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these
fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet
compleatly fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison,
can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend
of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who,
by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them;
and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make,
may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be
cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance,
can not come up in time to support each other."
He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, indeed,
be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon
the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible
they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety
in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession,
and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage
of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to,
but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles
of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed
a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and
in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd
its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes,
which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's
being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried
the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion,
thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon
their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily
distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers
were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders,
and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed;
and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.
The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd;
their example was immediately followed by others; so that all
the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy.
The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty;
his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out
of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded,
and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred.
These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army;
the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow
with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage.
The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp,
and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him
and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men,
and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed
four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding,
and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered
all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might
have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements,
and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from
the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would
post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection
to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro'
all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd
at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole
transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted
ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.
In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond
the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants,
totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing,
and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough
to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really
wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends
in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our
country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles,
occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig,
a chicken, or even an apple.
Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and,
being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd
with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that
he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said,
"Who would have thought it?" That he was silent again the following day,
saying only at last, "We shall better know how to deal with them
another time;" and dy'd in a few minutes after.
The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders,
instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands,
they selected and translated into French a number of the articles,
which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British
court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters
of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service
I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice.
David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford,
when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary
of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office,
letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition
having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought
of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.
As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would
give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants,
and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted.
This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd
to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command
devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia,
on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge
of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he
had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that bead.
He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton,
where he should be in a few days on his march to New York,
he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at
the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd
to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.
As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known,
all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond
to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting
them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that
orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley,
and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter;
but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd,
and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy,
and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me
from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine
the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty
thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.
Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came
to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray
the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit
at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne.
I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough
to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion
to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately
comply with their proposal. "Why the d--l!" says one of them,
"you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?"
"I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events
of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons
of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby
missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework
had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward,
said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.
Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message
after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into
the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province,
without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had
rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause,
now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger
and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm,
believing they had justice on their side, and that it would
be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor
to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was
for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was
only of a single word. The bill expressed "that all estates,
real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries
not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small,
but very material alteration. However, when the news of this
disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care
to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages,
rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and
injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going
so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province,
they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this,
and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand
pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly
for such purpose.
This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share
of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause,
which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the
commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds.
I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage,
and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing
and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro'
the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to
leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association
necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue,[*] stating
and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia,
which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.
[ This dialogue and the militia act are in the
"Gentleman's Magazine" for February and March, 1756.
--[Marg. note.]]
While the several companies in the city and country were forming
and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take
charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy,
and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and
building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did
not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission
with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers,
to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty
in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command.
My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army
rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me.
The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians,
and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good
situation for one of the forts.
In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem,
the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find
it in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut
had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were
defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and
ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small
paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses,
for their women to throw down upon the heads of any Indians
that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too,
kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town.
In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this
my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament
exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had
suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms.
He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles,
but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought
to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion,
however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few.
It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd
the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger,
will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.
It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business
of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink,
with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of
the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions;
and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut,
where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians
procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.
Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven
from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply
of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle.
I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd
many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day;
there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd
near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn,
we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us.
It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of
the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry.
The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we
had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned,
and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and
his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with
the rain.
The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at
the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were
left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves;
an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we
had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead
we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.
The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference
measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require
as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another,
of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy,
were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men
being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch was made.
Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch
when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon
the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine
made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end.
While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round,
of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted;
and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind
wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts
of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring
the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up,
our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six
feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes.
We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles,
and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any
were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort,
if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade,
was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day
that the men could not work.
This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they
are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd
and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good
day's work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days
they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork,
the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind
of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly
at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done
every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about,
"Oh," says he, "Make them scour the anchor."
This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense
against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted
securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd
out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians,
but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain
to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance
of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire
was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground
would by its light have discovered their position at a distance.
They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter,
and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut
off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods.
With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of
the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints
of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs
hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them,
is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could not
discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke:
it appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw
we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage.
We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty,
who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers
and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay
and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd
out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening;
and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it;
upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity
of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal
it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you."
He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a
few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction,
and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended;
so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted
by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.
I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd
with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor,
acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my
attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers
was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary.
My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be,
if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being
now compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms
under that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly,
as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war,
being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command.
I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it
read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who,
from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them
than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave.
I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to
recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in
a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard
lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.
While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of
the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very
kind to me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common
tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers together.
In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all
along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed
for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain'd
with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys,
flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not
usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children,
as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes
the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men,
the young women, and the little children, each division by itself.
The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in rows
on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor,
and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem'd
well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing,
familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They behav'd
very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect
they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.
I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report
was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd
only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found
himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class,
who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women.
As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted
with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils,
they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments
were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen
that two or three young women were found to be equally proper
for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected,
if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties,
some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they may,"
answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for themselves;"
which, indeed, I could not deny.
Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went
on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty
generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose
their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law.
Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken
to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to
those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue;
however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy
his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases.
The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment,
which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had,
but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company
of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces,
which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times
in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me
to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door,
which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus.
And my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our
commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England.
During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on
a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their
heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town,
as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they
came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in
their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project,
or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming
of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at
their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me.
What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move,
they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way.
Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him
great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province,
nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to
princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know,
who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.
This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me,
which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the
Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation,
which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe
reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it.
He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to
the king's service, preventing, by my influence in the House,
the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced
this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention
to take the government of the province out of his hands by force.
He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general,
to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure
from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.
Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor
and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share,
there still subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman
and myself, and we never had any personal difference. I have
sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me,
for the answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be
the effect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer,
he might consider us both as merely advocates for contending clients
in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the Assembly.
He would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly way to advise
with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho' not often,
take my advice.
We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions;
and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent
in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing
the desertion of the back counties. I forget now the advice
I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to,
and prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers
for their protection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies,
he might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after my return
from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct
of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction
of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise employed; and he
proposed to commission me as general. I had not so good an opinion
of my military abilities as he profess'd to have, and I believe his
professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he
might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men,
and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them,
and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding me
not so forward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt,
and he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny.
Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under
this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give
some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation. |
