HumanitiesWeb.org - Roman History Roman History - Book XXI. (XII. Aquileia takes the part of Constantius, and is besieged, but presently, when news of his death arrives, surrenders to Julian.) by Ammianus Marcellinus
Roman History Roman History - Book XXI. XII. Aquileia takes the part of Constantius, and is besieged, but presently, when news of his death arrives, surrenders to Julian.
by Ammianus Marcellinus
When Julian heard of this transaction, being then at Nissa, as
he feared nothing unfriendly in his rear, and had read and heard that
this city, though often besieged, had never been
destroyed or taken, hastened the more eagerly to gain it, either by
stratagem, or by some kind of flattery or other, before any more
formidable event should arise.
Therefore he ordered Jovinus, the captain of his cavalry,
who was marching over the Alps, and had entered Noricum, to return with
all speed, to remedy by some means or other, the evil which had burst
out. And, that nothing might be wanting, he bade him retain all the
soldiers who were marching after his court or his standards and passing
through that town, and to avail himself of their help to the utmost.
When he had made these arrangements, having soon afterwards
heard of the death of Constantius, he crossed through Thrace, and
entered Constantinople: and having been often assured that the siege
would be protracted rather than formidable, he sent Immo with some
other counts to conduct it; and removed Jovinus to employ him in other
matters of greater importance.
Therefore, having surrounded Aquileia with a double
line of heavy infantry, the generals all agreed upon trying to induce
the garrison to surrender, using alternately threats and caresses; but
after many proposals and replies had been interchanged, their obstinacy
only increased, and the conferences were abandoned, having proved
wholly ineffectual.
And because there was now no prospect but that of a battle,
both sides refreshed themselves with sleep and food; and at daybreak
the trumpets sounded, and the two armies, arrayed for reciprocal
slaughter, attacked one another with loud shouts, but with more
ferocity than skill.
Therefore the besiegers, bearing wooden penthouses over
them, and closely woven wicker defences, marched on slowly and
cautiously, and attempted to undermine the walls with iron tools: many
also bore ladders which had been made of the height of the walls, and
came up close to them: when some were dashed down by stones hurled on
their heads, others were transfixed by whizzing javelins, and falling
back, dragged with them those who were in their rear; and others, from
fear of similar mischances, shrank from the attack.
The besieged being encouraged by the issue of this
first conflict, and hoping for still better success, disregarded the
rest of the attacks made on them; and with resolute minds they
stationed engines in suitable positions, and with unwearied toil
discharged the duties of watching and of whatever else could tend to
their safety.
On the other hand, the besiegers, though fearing
another combat, and full of anxiety, still out of shame would not
appear lazy or cowardly, and as they could make no way by open attacks,
they also applied themselves to the various manoeuvres employed in
sieges. And because there was no ground favourable for working
battering-rams or other engines, nor for making mines, since the river
Natiso passed under the walls of the city, they contrived a plan worthy
to be compared with any effort of ancient skill.
With great rapidity they built some wooden towers,
higher than the battlements of the enemy, and then fastening their
boats
together, they placed these towers on them. In them they stationed
soldiers, who, with undaunted resolution, laboured to drive down the
garrison from the walls; while under them were bodies of light infantry
wholly unencumbered, who going forth from the hollow parts of the
towers below, threw drawbridges across, which they had put together
beforehand, and so tried to cross over to the bottom of the wall while
the attention of the garrison was diverted from them; so that while
those above them were attacking one another with darts and stones,
those who crossed over on the drawbridges might be able without
interruption to break down a portion of the wall and so effect an
entrance.
But once more a clever design failed in its result. For
when the towers came close to the walls, they were assailed with brands
steeped in pitch, and reeds, and faggots, and every kind of food for
flames, all kindled. The towers quickly caught fire, and yielding under
the weight of the men who were mounted on them, fell into the river,
while some of the soldiers on their summits, even before they fell, had
been pierced with javelins hurled from the engines on the walls, and so
died.
Meanwhile the soldiers at the foot of the wall, being cut off by the destruction of their comrades in the boats, were crushed with huge
stones, with the exception of a few, who, in spite of the difficult
ground over which their flight lay, escaped by their swiftness of foot.
At last, when the contest had been protracted till evening, the usual
signal for retreat was given, and the combatants parted to pass the
night with very different feelings.
The losses of the besiegers, who had suffered greatly,
encouraged the defenders of the town with hopes of victory, though they
also had to mourn the deaths of some few of their number. Nevertheless,
the preparations went on rapidly. Rest and food refreshed their bodies
during the night; and at dawn of day the conflict was renewed at the
trumpet's signal.
Some, holding their shields over their heads, in order to
fight with more activity; others, in front, bore ladders on their
shoulders, and rushed on with eager vehemence, exposing their breasts
to wounds from every kind of weapon. Some endeavoured to break down the
iron bars of the gates; but were attacked with fire, or crushed under
stones hurled from the walls. Some boldly strove to cross the fosses,
but fell beneath the sudden sallies of soldiers rushing out from
postern gates, or were driven back with severe wounds. For those who
sallied forth had an easy retreat within the walls, and the rampart in
front of the walls, strengthened with turf, saved those who lay in wait
behind it from all danger.
Although the garrison excelled in endurance and in
the arts of war, without any other aid than that of their walls, still
our soldiers, being attacked as they were from a more numerous force,
became impatient of the long delay, and moved round and round the
suburbs, seeking diligently to discover by what force or what engines
they could make their way out of the city.
But as, through the greatness of the difficulties in their
way, they could not accomplish this, they began to slacken their
exertions as to the siege itself, and leaving a few watches and
outposts, ravaged the adjacent country, and thus obtained all kinds of
supplies, dividing their booty with their comrades. The consequence
was, that excessivo eating and drinking proved injurious to their
health.
When, however, Immo and his colleagues reported this to
Julian, who was passing the winter at Constantinople, he applied a wise
remedy to such a disorder, and sent thither Agilo, the commander of his
infantry, an officer in great esteem, that when a man of his rank and
reputation appeared there and took the intelligence of the death of
Constantius to the army, the siege might be terminated in that way.
In the mean while, not to abandon the siege of Aquileia,
as all other attempts had proved futile, the generals endeavoured to
compel the citizens to surrender by want of water. So they cut the
aqueducts; but as the garrison still resisted with undiminished
courage, they, with vast valour, diverted the stream of the river. But
this again was done in vain; for they reduced the allowance of water to
each man; and contented themselves with the scanty supply they could
procure from wells.
While these affairs were proceeding thus, Agilo arrived,
as he had been commanded; and, being protected by a strong body of
heavy infantry, came up boldly close to the walls; and in a long and
veracious speech, told the citizens of the
death of Constantius, and the confirmation of Julian's power; but was
reviled and treated as a liar. Nor would any one believe his statement
of what had occurred, till on promise of safety he was admitted by
himself to the edge of the defences; where, with a solemn oath, he
repeated what he had before related.
When his story was heard, they all, eager to be
released from their protracted sufferings, threw open the gates and
rushed out, admitting him in the joy as a captain who brought them
peace; and excusing themselves, they gave up Nigrinus as the author of
their mad resistance, and a few others; demanding that their punishment
should be taken as an atonement for the treason and sufferings of the
city.
Accordingly, a few days later, the affair was rigorously
investigated; Mamertinus, the prefect of the
praetorium, sitting as judge; and Nigrinus, as the cause of the war,
was burnt alive. After him, Romulus and Sabostius, men who had held
high office, being convicted of having sown discord in the empire
without any regard to the consequences, were beheaded; and all the rest
escaped unpunished, as men who
had been driven to hostilities by necessity, and not by their own
inclination; this being the decision of the merciful and clement
emperor, after a full consideration of justice. These things, however,
happened some time afterwards.
But Julian, who was still at Nissa, was occupied in the
graver cases, being full of fears on both sides. For he was
apprehensive lest the defiles of the Julian Alps might be seized and
barred against him by some sudden onset of the troops who had been shut
up in Aquileia; by which he might lose the provinces beyond, and the
supplies which he was
daily expecting from that quarter.
And he also greatly feared the power of the East; hearing
that the soldiers who were scattered over Thrace had been suddenly
collected together to act against him, and were advancing towards the
frontiers of the Succi, under command of Count Marcianus. But, devising
measures suitable to this mass of pressing anxieties, he quickly
assembled his Illyrian army, long inured to war, and eager to renew its
martial labours under a warlike chief.
Nor even at this critical moment did he forget the
interests of individuals; but devoted some time to hearing contested
causes, especially those concerning municipal bodies, in whose favour
he was too partial, so that he raised several persons who did not
deserve such honour to public offices.
It was here that he found Symmachus and Maximus, two
eminent senators, who had been sent by the nobles as envoys to
Constantius, and had returned again. He promoted them with great
honour; so that, preferring them to others more deserving, he made
Maximus prefect of the eternal city, in order to gratify Rufinus
Vulcatius, whose nephew he was. Under his administration the city
enjoyed great plenty, and there was an end to the complaints of the
common people, which had been so frequent.
Afterwards, in order to add security to those of his
affairs which were still unsettled, and encourage the confidence of the
loyal, he raised Mamertinus, the prefect of the praetorium in
Illyricum, and Nevitta to the consulship; though he had so lately
assailed the memory of Constantine as the person who had set the
example of thus promoting low-born barbarians.