HumanitiesWeb.org - History Of The Reign Of Ferdinand And Isabella, The Catholic. (Administration, Death, And Character Of Cardinal Ximenes.) by William H. Prescott
History Of The Reign Of Ferdinand And Isabella, The Catholic. Administration, Death, And Character Of Cardinal Ximenes.
by William H. Prescott
1516, 1517.
Ximenes Governor of Castile.--Charles Proclaimed King.--Ximenes's Domestic
Policy.--He Intimidates the Nobles.--Public Discontents.--Charles Lands in
Spain.--His Ingratitude to Ximenes.--The Cardinal's Illness and Death.--
His Extraordinary Character.
The personal history of Ferdinand the Catholic terminates, of course, with
the preceding chapter. In order to bring the history of his reign,
however, to a suitable close, it is necessary to continue the narrative
through the brief regency of Ximenes, to the period when the government
was delivered into the hands of Ferdinand's grandson and successor,
Charles the Fifth.
By the testament of the deceased monarch, as we have seen, Cardinal
Ximenez de Cisneros was appointed sole regent of Castile. He met with
opposition, however, from Adrian, the dean of Louvain, who produced powers
of similar purport from Prince Charles. Neither party could boast a
sufficient warrant for exercising this important trust; the one claiming
it by the appointment of an individual, who, acting merely as regent
himself, had certainly no right to name his successor; while the other had
only the sanction of a prince, who, at the time of giving it, had no
jurisdiction whatever in Castile. The misunderstanding which ensued, was
finally settled by an agreement of the parties to share the authority in
common, till further instructions should be received from Charles. [1]
[1] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 8.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez,
cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 150.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib.
4, cap. 5.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., dial. de Ximeni.
It was not long before they arrived. They confirmed the cardinal's
authority in the fullest manner; while they spoke of Adrian only as an
ambassador, They intimated, however, the most entire confidence in the
latter; and the two prelates continued as before to administer the
government jointly. Ximenes sacrificed nothing by this arrangement; for
the tame and quiet temper of Adrian was too much overawed by the bold
genius of his partner, to raise any opposition to his measures. [2]
[2] Carbajal has given us Charles's epistle, which is subscribed "El
Principe." He did not venture on the title of king in his correspondence
with the Castilians, though he affected it abroad. Anales, MS., ano 1516,
cap. 10.
The first requisition of prince Charles, was one that taxed severely the
power and popularity of the new regent. This was to have himself
proclaimed king; a measure extremely distasteful to the Castilians, who
regarded it not only as contrary to established usage, during the lifetime
of his mother, but as ah indignity to her. It was in vain that Ximenes and
the council remonstrated on the impropriety and impolicy of the measure.
[3] Charles, fortified by his Flemish advisers, sturdily persisted in his
purpose. The cardinal, consequently, called a meeting of the prelates and
principal nobles in Madrid, to which he had transferred the seat of
government, and whose central position and other local advantages made it,
from this time forward, with little variation, the regular capital of the
kingdom. [4] The doctor Carbajal prepared a studied and plausible argument
in support of the measure. [5] As it failed, however, to produce
conviction in his audience, Ximenes, chafed by the opposition, and
probably distrusting its real motives, peremptorily declared, that those
who refused to acknowledge Charles as king, in the present state of
things, would refuse to obey him when he was so. "I will have him
proclaimed in Madrid to-morrow," said he, "and I doubt not every other
city in the kingdom will follow the example." He was as good as his word;
and the conduct of the capital was imitated, with little opposition, by
all the other cities in Castile. Not so in Aragon, whose people were too
much attached to their institutions to consent to it, till Charles first
made oath in person to respect the laws and liberties of the realm. [6]
[3] The letter of the council is dated March 14th, 1516. It is recorded by
Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 10.
[4] It became permanently so in the following reign of Philip II.
Semanario Erudito, tom. iii. p. 79.
[5] Carbajal penetrates into the remotest depths of Spanish history for an
authority for Charles's claim. He can find none better, however, than the
examples of Alfonso VIII. and Ferdinand III.; the former of whom used
force, and the latter obtained the crown by the voluntary cession of his
mother. His argument, it is clear, rests much stronger on expediency, than
precedent. Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 11.
[6] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 151 et seq.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano
1516, cap. 9-11.--Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. 2.--Dormer,
Anales de Aragon, lib. 1, cap. 1, 13.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist.
572, 590, 603.--Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 53.
The Castilian aristocracy, it may be believed, did not much relish the new
yoke imposed on them by their priestly regent. On one occasion, it is
said, they went in a body and demanded of Ximenes by what powers he held
the government so absolutely. He referred them for answer to Ferdinand's
testament and Charles's letter. As they objected to these, he led them to
a window of the apartment, and showed them a park of artillery below,
exclaiming, at the same time. "There are my credentials, then!" The story
is characteristic; but, though often repeated, must be admitted to stand
on slender authority. [7]
[7] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 158.--
Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. 4.
Alvaro Gomez finds no better authority than vulgar rumor for this story.
According to Robles, the cardinal, after this bravado, twirled his
cordelier's belt about his fingers, saying, "he wanted nothing better than
that to tame the pride of the Castilian nobles with!" But Ximenes was
neither a fool nor a madman; although his over-zealous biographers make
him sometimes one, and sometimes the other. Voltaire, who never lets the
opportunity slip of seizing a paradox in character or conduct, speaks of
Ximenes as one "qui, toujours vetu en cordelier, met son faste a fouler
sous ses sandales le faste Espagnol." Essai sur les Moeurs, chap. 121.
One of the regent's first acts was the famous ordinance, encouraging the
burgesses, by liberal rewards, to enroll themselves into companies, and
submit to regular military training, at stated seasons. The nobles saw the
operation of this measure too well, not to use all their efforts to
counteract it. In this they succeeded for a time, as the cardinal, with
his usual boldness, had ventured on it without waiting for Charles's
sanction, and in opposition to most of the council. The resolute spirit of
the minister, however, eventually triumphed over all resistance, and a
national corps was organized, competent, under proper guidance, to protect
the liberties of the people, but which, unfortunately, was ultimately
destined to be turned against them. [8]
[8] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 13.--Quintanilla, Archetypo,
lib. 4, cap. 5.--Sempere, Hist. des Cortes, chap. 25.--Gomez, De Rebus
Gestis, fol. 159.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
Armed with this strong physical force, the cardinal now projected the
boldest schemes of reform, especially in the finances, which had fallen
into some disorder in the latter days of Ferdinand. He made a strict
inquisition into the funds of the military orders, in which there had been
much waste and misappropriation; he suppressed all superfluous offices in
the state, retrenched excessive salaries, and cut short the pensions
granted by Ferdinand and Isabella, which he contended should determine
with their lives. Unfortunately, the state was not materially benefited by
these economical arrangements, since the greater part of what was thus
saved was drawn off to supply the waste and cupidity of the Flemish court,
who dealt with Spain with all the merciless rapacity that could be shown
to a conquered province. [9]
[9] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 174 et seq.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez,
cap. 18.-Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 13.
The foreign administration of the regent displayed the same courage and
vigor. Arsenals were established in the southern maritime towns, and a
numerous fleet was equipped in the Mediterranean, against the Barbary
corsairs. A large force was sent into Navarre, which defeated an invading
army of French; and the cardinal followed up the blow by demolishing the
principal fortresses of the kingdom; a precautionary measure, to which, in
all probability, Spain owes the permanent preservation of her conquest.
[10]
[10] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 11.--Aleson, Annales de
Navarra, tom. v. p. 327.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 570.--
Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5.
The regent's eye penetrated to the farthest limits of the monarchy. He
sent a commission to Hispaniola, to inquire into, and ameliorate, the
condition of the natives. At the same time he earnestly opposed (though
without success, being overruled in this by the Flemish counsellors,) the
introduction of negro slaves into the colonies, which, he predicted, from
the character of the race, must ultimately result in a servile war. It is
needless to remark, how well the event has verified the prediction. [11]
[11] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 164, 165.--Herrera, Indias Occidentales,
tom. i. p. 278.--Las Casas, Oeuvres, ed. de Llorente, tom. i. p. 239.
Robertson states the ground of Ximenes's objection to have been, the
iniquity of reducing one set of men to slavery, in order to liberate
another. (History of America, vol. i. p. 285.) A very enlightened reason,
for which, however, I find not the least warrant in Herrera, (the
authority cited by the historian,) nor in Gomez, nor in any other writer.
It is with less satisfaction that we must contemplate his policy in regard
to the Inquisition. As head of that tribunal, he enforced its authority
and pretensions to the utmost. He extended a branch of it to Oran, and
also to the Canaries, and the New World. [12] In 1512, the new
Christians had offered Ferdinand a large sum of money to carry on the
Navarrese war, if he would cause the trials before that tribunal to be
conducted in the same manner as in other courts, where the accuser and the
evidence were confronted openly with the defendant. To this reasonable
petition Ximenes objected, on the wretched plea, that, in that event, none
would be found willing to undertake the odious business of informer. He
backed his remonstrance with such a liberal donative from his own funds,
as supplied the king's immediate exigency, and effectually closed his
heart against the petitioners. The application was renewed in 1516, by the
unfortunate Israelites, who offered a liberal supply in like manner to
Charles, on similar terms. But the proposal, to which his Flemish
counsellors, who may be excused, at least, from the reproach of bigotry,
would have inclined the young monarch, was firmly rejected through the
interposition of Ximenes. [13]
[12] Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i, chap. 10, art. 5.
[13] Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, lib. 2, tit. 2, cap. 5.--Llorente,
Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 11, art. l.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis,
fol. 184, 185.
The high-handed measures of the minister, while they disgusted the
aristocracy, gave great umbrage to the dean of Louvain, who saw himself
reduced to a mere cipher in the administration. In consequence of his
representations a second, and afterwards a third minister was sent to
Castile, with authority to divide the government with the cardinal. But
all this was of little avail. On one occasion, the co-regents ventured to
rebuke their haughty partner, and assert their own dignity, by subscribing
their names first to the despatches, and then sending them to him for his
signature. But Ximenes coolly ordered his secretary to tear the paper in
pieces, and make out a new one, which he signed, and sent out without the
participation of his brethren. And this course he continued during the
remainder of his administration. [14]
[14] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 2.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis,
fol. 189, 190.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Peter Martyr, Opus
Epist., epist. 581.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
"Ni properaveritis," says Martyr in a letter to Marliano, Prince Charles's
physician, "ruent omnia. Nescit Hispania parere non regibus, aut non
legitime regnaturis. Nauseam inducit magnanimis viris hujus fratris,
licet potentis et reipublicae amatoris, gubernatio. Est quippe grandis
animo, et ipse, ad aedificandum literatosqne viros fovendum natus magis
qnam ad imperandum, bellicis colloquiis et apparatibus gaudet." Opus
Epist., epist. 573.
The cardinal not only assumed the sole responsibility of the most
important public acts, but, in the execution of them, seldom condescended
to calculate the obstacles or the odds arrayed against him. He was thus
brought into collision, at the same time, with three of the most powerful
grandees of Castile; the dukes of Alva and Infantado, and the count of
Urena. Don Pedro Giron, the son of the latter, with several other young
noblemen, had maltreated and resisted the royal officers, while in the
discharge of their duty. They then took refuge in the little town of
Villafrata, which they fortified and prepared for a defence. The cardinal
without hesitation mustered several thousand of the national militia, and,
investing the place, set it on fire, and deliberately razed it to the
ground. The refractory nobles, struck with consternation, submitted. Their
friends interceded for them in the most humble manner; and the cardinal,
whose lofty spirit disdained to trample on a fallen foe, showed his usual
clemency by soliciting their pardon from the king. [15]
[15] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 198-201.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist.,
epist. 567, 584, 590.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 3, 6.--
Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p.
73.
But neither the talents nor authority of Ximenes, it was evident, could
much longer maintain subordination among the people, exasperated by the
shameless extortions of the Flemings, and the little interest shown for
them by their new sovereign. The most considerable offices in church and
state were put up to sale; and the kingdom was drained of its funds by the
large remittances continually made, on one pretext or another, to
Flanders. All this brought odium, undeserved indeed, on the cardinal's
government; [16] for there is abundant evidence, that both he and the
council remonstrated in the boldest manner on these enormities; while they
endeavored to inspire nobler sentiments in Charles's bosom, by recalling
the wise and patriotic administration of his grandparents. [17] The
people, in the mean while, outraged by these excesses, and despairing of
redress from a higher quarter, loudly clamored for a convocation of
cortes, that they might take the matter into their own hands. The cardinal
evaded this as long as possible. He was never a friend to popular
assemblies, much less in the present inflamed state of public feeling, and
in the absence of the sovereign. He was more anxious for his return than
any other individual, probably, in the kingdom. Braved by the aristocracy
at home, thwarted in every favorite measure by the Flemings abroad, with
an injured, indignant people to control, and oppressed, moreover, by
infirmities and years, even his stern, inflexible spirit could scarcely
sustain him under a burden too grievous, in these circumstances, for any
subject. [18]
[16] In a letter to Marliano, Martyr speaks of the large sums, "ab hoc
gubernatore ad vos missae, sub parandae classis praetextu." (Opus Epist.,
epist. 576.) In a subsequent epistle to his Castilian correspondents, he
speaks in a more sarcastic tone. "Bonus ille frater Ximenez Cardinalis
gubernator thesauros ad Belgas transmittendos coacervavit. ***** Glacialis
Oceani accolae ditabuntur, vestra expilabitur Castilla." (Epist. 606.)
From some cause or other, it is evident the cardinal's government was not
at all to honest Martyr's taste. Gomez suggests, as the reason, that his
salary was clipped off in the general retrenchment, which he admits was a
very hard case. (De Rebus Gestis, fol. 177.) Martyr, however, was never an
extravagant encomiast of the cardinal, and one may imagine much more
creditable reasons, than that assigned, for his disgust with him now.
[17] See a letter in Carbajal, containing this honest tribute to the
illustrious dead. (Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 4.) Charles might have
found an antidote to the poison of his Flemish sycophants in the faithful
counsels of his Castilian ministers.
[18] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 602.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol.
194.-Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.
Martyr, in a letter written just before the king's landing, notices the
cardinal's low state of health and spirits. "Cardinalis gubernator Matriti
febribus aegrotaverat; convaluerat; nunc recidivavit. ***** Breves fore
dies illius, medici automant. Est octogenario major; ipse regis adventum
affectu avidissimo desiderare videtur. Sentit sine rege non rite posse
corda Hispanorum moderari ac regi." Epist. 598.
At length, the young monarch, having made all preliminary arrangements,
prepared, though still in opposition to the wishes of his courtiers, to
embark for his Spanish dominions. Previously to this, on the 13th of
August, 1516, the French and Spanish plenipotentiaries signed a treaty of
peace at Noyon. The principal article stipulated the marriage of Charles
to the daughter of Francis the First, who was to cede, as her dowry, the
French claims on Naples. The marriage, indeed, never took place. But the
treaty itself may be considered as finally adjusting the hostile relations
which had subsisted, during so many years of Ferdinand's reign, with the
rival monarchy of France, and as closing the long series of wars, which
had grown out of the league of Cambray. [19]
[19] Flassan, Diplomatic Francais, tom. i. p. 313.--Dumont, Corps
Diplomatique, tom. iv. part. 1, no. 106.
On the 17th of September, 1517, Charles landed at Villaviciosa, in the
Asturias. Ximenes at this time lay ill at the Franciscan monastery of
Aguilera, near Aranda on the Douro. The good tidings of the royal landing
operated like a cordial on his spirits, and he instantly despatched
letters to the young monarch, filled with wholesome counsel as to the
conduct he should pursue, in order to conciliate the affections of the
people. He received at the same time messages from the king, couched in
the most gracious terms, and expressing the liveliest interest in his
restoration to health.
The Flemings in Charles's suite, however, looked with great apprehension
to his meeting with the cardinal. They had been content that the latter
should rule the state, when his arm was needed to curb the Castilian
aristocracy; but they dreaded the ascendency of his powerful mind over
their young sovereign, when brought into personal contact with him. They
retarded this event, by keeping Charles in the north as long as possible.
In the mean time, they endeavored to alienate his regards from the
minister by exaggerated reports of his arbitrary conduct and temper,
rendered more morose by the peevishness of age. Charles showed a facility
to be directed by those around him in early years, which gave little
augury of the greatness to which he afterwards rose. [20]
[20] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9.--Dormer, Anales de Aragon,
lib. 1. cap. 1.--Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 43.--Dolce, Vita di. Carlo
V., p. 12.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 212.--Sandoval, Hist, del Emp.
Carlos V., tom. i. p. 83.
By the persuasions of his evil counsellors, he addressed that memorable
letter to Ximenes, which is unmatched, even in court annals, for cool and
base ingratitude. He thanked the regent for all his past services, named a
place for a personal interview with him, where he might obtain the benefit
of his counsels for his own conduct, and the government of the kingdom;
after which he would be allowed to retire to his diocese, and seek from
Heaven that reward, which Heaven alone could adequately bestow! [21]
[21] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ubi supra.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 215.
--Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 84.
Such was the tenor of this cold-blooded epistle, which, in the language of
more than one writer, killed the cardinal. This, however, is stating the
matter too strongly. The spirit of Ximenes was of too stern a stuff to be
so easily extinguished by the breath of royal displeasure. [22] He was,
indeed, deeply moved by the desertion of the sovereign whom he had served
so faithfully, and the excitement which it occasioned brought on a return
of his fever, according to Carbajal, in full force. But anxiety and
disease had already done its work upon his once hardy constitution; and
this ungrateful act could only serve to wean him more effectually from a
world that he was soon to part with. [23]
[22] "Cette terrible lettre qui fut la cause de sa mort," says Marsollier,
plumply; a writer who is sure either to misstate or overstate. (Ministere
du Card. Ximenez, p. 447.) Byron, alluding to the fate of a modern poet,
ridicules the idea of
"The mind, that fiery particle,
Being extinguished by an Article!"
The frown of a critic, however, might as well prove fatal as that of a
king. In both cases, I imagine, it would be hard to prove any closer
connection between the two events, than that of time.
[23] "Con aquel despedimiento," says Galindez de Carbajal, "con esto acabo
de tantos servicios luego que Ilego esta carta el Cardenal rescibio
alteracion y tomole recia calentnra que en pocos dias le des-pacho."
(Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9.) Gomez tells a long story of poison
administered to the cardinal in a trout, (De Rebus Gestis, fol. 206.)
Others say, in a letter from Flanders, (see Moreri, Dictionnaire
Historique, voce Ximenes.) Oviedo notices a rumor of his having been
poisoned by one of his secretaries; but vouches for the innocence of
the individual accused, whom he personally knew. (Quincuagenas, MS., dial,
de Xim.) Reports of this kind were too rife in these days, to deserve
credit, unless supported by very clear evidence. Martyr and Carbajal, both
with the court at the time, intimate no suspicion of foul play.
In order to be near the king, he had previously transferred his residence
to Roa. He now turned his thoughts to his approaching end. Death may be
supposed to have but little terrors for the statesman, who in his last
moments could aver, "that he had never intentionally wronged any man; but
had rendered to every one his due, without being swayed, as far as he was
conscious, by fear or affection." Yet Cardinal Richelieu on his death-bed
declared the same! [24]
[24] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9.--Gomez, de Rebus Gestis,
fol. 213, 214.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 8.--Oviedo,
Quincuagenas, MS.
"'Voila mon juge, qui prononcera bientot ma sentence. Je le prie de tout
mon coeur de me condamner, si, dans mon ministere, je me suis propose
autre chose que le bien de la religion et celui de l'etat.' Le lendemain,
au point du jour, il voulut recevoir l'extreme onction." Jay, Histoire du
Ministere du Cardinal Richelieu, (Paris, 1816,) tom. ii. p. 217.
As a last attempt, he began a letter to the king. His fingers refused,
however, to perform their office, and after tracing a few lines he gave it
up. The purport of these seems to have been, to recommend his university
at Alcala to the royal protection. He now became wholly occupied with his
devotions, and manifested such contrition for his errors, and such humble
confidence in the divine mercy, as deeply affected all present. In this
tranquil frame of mind, and in the perfect possession of his powers, he
breathed his last, November 8th, 1517, in the eighty-first year of his
age, and the twenty-second since his elevation to the primacy. The last
words that he uttered were those of the Psalmist, which he used frequently
to repeat in health, "In te, Domine, speravi,"--"In thee, Lord, have I
trusted."
His body, arrayed in his pontifical robes, was seated in a chair of state,
and multitudes of all degrees thronged into the apartment to kiss the
hands and feet. It was afterwards transported to Alcala, and laid in the
chapel of the noble college of San Ildefonso, erected by himself. His
obsequies were celebrated with great pomp, contrary to his own orders, by,
all the religious and literary fraternities of the city; and his virtues
commemorated in a funeral discourse by a doctor of the university, who,
considering the death of the good a fitting occasion to lash the vices of
the living, made the most caustic allusion to the Flemish favorites of
Charles, and their pestilent influence on the country. [25]
[25] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 215-
217.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 12-15; who quotes Marano, an
eye-witness.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 9, who dates the
cardinal's death December 8th, in which he is followed by Lanuza.
The following epitaph, of no great merit, was inscribed on his sepulchre,
composed by the learned John Vergara in his younger days.
"Condideram musis Franciscus grande lyceum,
Condor in exiguo nune ego sarcophago.
Praelextam junxi saccho, galeamque galero,
Frater, dux, praesul, cardineusque pater.
Quin virtute reel junctum est diadema cucullo,
Cum mibi regnanti paruit Hesperia."
Such was the end of this remarkable man; the most remarkable, in many
respects, of his time. His character was of that stern and lofty cast,
which seems to rise above the ordinary wants and weaknesses of humanity;
his genius of the severest order, like Dante's and Michael Angelo's in the
regions of fancy, impresses us with ideas of power, that excite admiration
akin to terror. His enterprises, as we have seen, were of the boldest
character. His execution of them equally bold. He disdained to woo fortune
by any of those soft and pliant arts, which are often the most effectual.
He pursued his ends by the most direct means. In this way he frequently
multiplied difficulties; but difficulties seemed to have a charm for him,
by the opportunity they afforded of displaying the energies of his soul.
With these qualities he combined a versatility of talent, usually found
only in softer and more flexible characters. Though bred in the cloister,
he distinguished himself both in the cabinet and the camp. For the latter,
indeed, so repugnant to his regular profession, he had a natural genius,
according to the testimony of his biographer; and he evinced his relish
for it, by declaring, that "the smell of gunpowder was more grateful to
him than the sweetest perfume of Arabia!" [26] In every situation,
however, he exhibited the stamp of his peculiar calling; and the stern
lineaments of the monk were never wholly concealed under the mask of the
statesman, or the visor of the warrior. He had a full measure of the
religious bigotry which belonged to the age; and he had melancholy scope
for displaying it, as chief of that dread tribunal, over which he presided
during the last ten years of his life. [27]
[26] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 160.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17.
--"And who can doubt," exclaimed Gonzalo de Oviedo, "that powder, against
the infidel, is incense to the Lord?" Quincuagenas, MS.
[27] During this period, Ximenes "permit la condamnation," to use
the mild language of Llorente, of more than 2500 individuals to the stake,
and nearly 50,000 to other punishments! (Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i.
chap. 10, art. 5; tom. iv. chap. 46.) In order to do justice to what is
really good in the characters of this age, one must absolutely close his
eyes against that odious fanaticism, which enters more or less into all,
and into the best, unfortunately, most largely.
He carried the arbitrary ideas of his profession into political life. His
regency was conducted on the principles of a military despotism. It was
his maxim, that "a prince must rely mainly on his army for securing the
respect and obedience of his subjects." [28] It is true he had to deal
with a martial and factious nobility, and the end which he proposed was to
curb their licentiousness, and enforce the equitable administration of
justice; but, in accomplishing this, he showed little regard to the
constitution, or to private rights. His first act, the proclaiming of
Charles king, was in open contempt of the usages and rights of the nation.
He evaded the urgent demands of the Castilians for a convocation of
cortes; for it was his opinion, "that freedom of speech, especially in
regard to their own grievances, made the people insolent and irreverent to
their rulers." [29] The people, of course, had no voice in the measures
which involved their most important interests. His whole policy, indeed,
was to exalt the royal prerogative, at the expense of the inferior orders
of the state. [30] And his regency, short as it was, and highly beneficial
to the country in many respects, must be considered as opening the way to
that career of despotism, which the Austrian family followed up with such
hard-hearted constancy.
[28] "Persuasum haberet, non alia ratione animos humanos imperia aliorum
laturos, nisi vi facta aut adhibita. Quare pro certo affirmare solebat,
nullum unquam principem exteris populis formidini, aut suis reverentiae
fuisse, nisi comparato militum exercitu, atque omnibus belli instrumentis
ad manum paratis." (Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 95.) We may well apply to
the cardinal what Cato, or rather Lucan, applied to Pompey;
"Praetulit arma togae; sed pacem armatus amavit."
Pharsalia, lib. 9.
[29] "Nulla enim re magis populos insolescere, et irreverentiam omnem
exhibere, quam cum libertatem loquendi nacti sunt, et pro libidine suas
vulgo jactant querimonias." Gomez quotes the language of Ximenes in his
correspondence with Charles. De Rebus Gestis, fol. 194.
[30] Oviedo makes a reflection, showing that he conceived the cardinal's
policy better than most of his biographers. He states, that the various
immunities, and the military organization, which he gave to the towns
enabled them to raise the insurrection, known as the war of the
"comunidades," at the beginning of Charles's reign. But he rightly
considers this as only an indirect consequence of his policy, which made
use of the popular arm only to break down the power of the nobles, and
establish the supremacy of the crown. Quincuagenas, MS., dial, de Xim.
But, while we condemn the politics, we cannot but respect the principles
of the man. However erroneous his conduct in our eyes, he was guided by
his sense of duty. It was this, and the conviction of it in the minds of
others, which constituted the secret of his great power. It made him
reckless of difficulties, and fearless of all personal consequences. The
consciousness of the integrity of his purposes rendered him, indeed, too
unscrupulous as to the means of attaining them. He held his own life
cheap, in comparison with the great reforms that he had at heart. Was it
surprising, that he should hold as lightly the convenience and interests
of others, when they thwarted their execution?
His views were raised far above considerations of self. As a statesman, he
identified himself with the state; as a churchman, with the interests of
his religion. He severely punished every offence against these. He as
freely forgave every personal injury. He had many remarkable opportunities
of showing this. His administration provoked numerous lampoons and libels.
He despised them, as the miserable solace of spleen and discontent, and
never persecuted their authors. [31] In this he formed an honorable
contrast to Cardinal Richelieu, whose character and condition suggest many
points of resemblance with his own.
[31] Quincuagenas, MS., ubi supra. Mr. Burke notices this noble trait, in
a splendid panegyric which he poured forth on the character of Ximenes, at
Sir Joshua Reynolds's table, as related by Madame d'Arblay, in the last,
and not least remarkable of her productions. (Memoirs of Dr. Burney, vol.
ii. pp. 231 et seq.) The orator, if the lady reports him right, notices,
as two of the cardinal's characteristics, his freedom from bigotry and
despotism!
His disinterestedness was further shown by his mode of dispensing his
large revenues. It was among the poor, and on great public objects. He
built up no family. He had brothers and nephews; but he contented himself
with making their condition comfortable, without diverting to their
benefit the great trusts confided to him for the public. [32] The greater
part of the funds which he left at his death was settled on the university
of Alcala. [33]
[32] Their connection with so distinguished a person, however enabled most
of them to form high alliances; of which Oviedo gives some account.
Quincuagenas, MS.
[33] "Die, and endow a college or a cat!"
The verse is somewhat stale, but expresses, better than a page of prose
can, the credit due to such posthumous benefactions, when they set aside
the dearest natural ties for the mere indulgence of a selfish vanity,
which motives cannot be imputed to Ximenes. He had always conscientiously
abstained from appropriating his archi-episcopal revenues, as we have
seen, to himself or his family. His dying bequest, therefore, was only in
keeping with his whole life.
He had, however, none of that pride, which would make him ashamed of his
poor and humble relatives. He had, indeed, a confidence in his own powers,
approaching to arrogance, which led him to undervalue the abilities of
others, and to look on them as his instruments rather than his equals. But
he had none of the vulgar pride founded on wealth or station. He
frequently alluded to his lowly condition in early life, with great
humility, thanking Heaven, with tears in his eyes, for its extraordinary
goodness to him. He not only remembered, but did many acts of kindness to
his early friends, of which more than one touching anecdote is related.
Such traits of sensibility, gleaming through the natural austerity and
sternness of a disposition like his, like light breaking through a dark
cloud, affect us the more sensibly by contrast.
He was irreproachable in his morals, and conformed literally to all the
rigid exactions of his severe order, in the court as faithfully as in the
cloister. He was sober, abstemious, chaste. In the latter particular, he
was careful that no suspicion of the license which so often soiled the
clergy of the period, should attach--to him. [34] On one occasion, while
on a journey, he was invited to pass the night at the house of the duchess
of Maqueda, being informed that she was absent. The duchess was at home,
however, and entered the apartment before he retired to rest. "You have
deceived me, lady," said Ximenes, rising in anger; "if you have any
business with me, you will find me tomorrow at the confessional." So
saying, he abruptly left the palace. [35]
[34] The good father Quintanilla vindicates his hero's chastity, somewhat
at the expense of his breeding. "His purity was unexampled," says he. "He
shunned the sex, like so many evil spirits; looking on every woman as a
devil, let her be never so holy. Had it not been in the way of his
professional calling, it is not too much to say he would never have
suffered his eyes to light on one of them!" Archetypo, p. 80.
[35] Flechier, Histoire de Ximenes, liv. 6, p. 634.
He carried his austerities and mortifications so far, as to endanger his
health. There is a curious brief extant of Pope Leo the Tenth, dated the
last year of the cardinal's life, enjoining him to abate his severe
penance, to eat meat and eggs on the ordinary fasts, to take off his
Franciscan frock, and sleep in linen and on a bed. He would never consent,
however, to divest himself of his monastic weeds. "Even laymen," said he,
alluding to the custom of the Roman Catholics, "put these on when they are
dying; and shall I, who have worn them all my life, take them off at that
time!" [36]
[36] Quintanilla has given the brief of his Holiness in extenso, with
commentaries thereon, twice as long. See Archeotypo, lib. 4, cap. 10.
Another anecdote is told in relation to his dress. Over his coarse woollen
frock, he wore the costly apparel suited to his rank. An impertinent
Franciscan preacher took occasion one day before him to launch out against
the luxuries of the time, especially in dress, obviously alluding to the
cardinal, who was attired in a superb suit of ermine, which had been
presented to him. He heard the sermon, patiently to the end, and after the
services were concluded, took the preacher into the sacristy, and, having
commended the general tenor of his discourse, showed under his furs and
fine linen the coarse frock of his order, next his skin. Some accounts
add, that the friar, on the other hand, wore fine linen under his monkish
frock. After the cardinal's death, a little box was found in his
apartment, containing the implements with which he used to mend the rents
of his threadbare garment, with his own hands. [37]
[37] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 219.--Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 2,
cap. 4. The reader may find a pendant to this anecdote in a similar one
recorded of Ximenes's predecessor, the grand cardinal Mendoza, in Part II.
Chapter 5, of this History. The conduct of the two primates on the
occasion, was sufficiently characteristic.
With so much to do, it may well be believed, that Ximenes was avaricious
of time. He seldom slept more than four, or at most four hours and a half.
He was shaved in the night, hearing at the same time some edifying
reading. He followed the same practice at his meals, or varied it with
listening to the arguments of some of his theological brethren, generally
on some subtile question of school divinity. This was his only recreation.
He had as little taste as time for lighter and more elegant amusements. He
spoke briefly, and always to the point. He was no friend of idle
ceremonies, and useless visits; though his situation exposed him more or
less to both. He frequently had a volume lying open on the table before
him, and when his visitor stayed too long, or took up his time with light
and frivolous conversation, he intimated his dissatisfaction by resuming
his reading. The cardinal's book must have been as fatal to a reputation
as Fontenelle's ear trumpet. [38]
[38] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, ubi supra.--
Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 2, cap. 5,
7, 8; who cites Dr. Vergara, the cardinal's friend. It is Baron Grimm, I
think, who tells us of Fontenelle's habit of dropping his trumpet when the
conversation did not pay him for the trouble of holding it up. The good-
natured Reynolds, according to Goldsmith, could "shift his trumpet" on
such an emergency also.
I will close this sketch of Ximenes de Cisneros with a brief outline of
his person. His complexion was sallow; his countenance sharp and
emaciated; his nose aquiline; his upper lip projected far over the lower.
His eyes were small, deep-set in his head, dark, vivid, and penetrating.
His forehead ample, and, what was remarkable, without a wrinkle, though
the expression of his features was somewhat severe. [39] His voice was
clear, but not agreeable; his enunciation measured and precise. His
demeanor was grave, his carriage firm and erect; he was tall in stature,
and his whole presence commanding. His constitution, naturally robust, was
impaired by his severe austerities and severer cares; and, in the latter
years of his life, was so delicate as to be extremely sensible to the
vicissitudes and inclemency of the weather. [40]
[39] Ximenes's head was examined some forty years after his interment, and
the skull was found to be without sutures. (Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol.
218.) Richelieu's was found to be perforated with little holes. The abbe
Richard deduces a theory from this, which may startle the physiologist
even more than the facts. "On ouvrit son Test, on y trouva 12 petits trous
par ou s'exhaloient les vapeurs de son cerveau, ce qui fit qu' il n'eut
jamais aucun mal de tete; au lieu que le Test de Ximenes etoit sans
suture, a quoi l'on attribua les effroyables douleurs de tete qu'il avoit
presque toujours." Parallele, p. 177.
[40] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 218.
I have noticed the resemblance which Ximenes bore to the great French
minister, Cardinal Richelieu. It was, after all, however, more in the
circumstances of situation, than in their characters; though the most
prominent traits of these were not dissimilar. [41] Both, though bred
ecclesiastics, reached the highest honors of the state, and indeed, may be
said to have directed the destinies of their countries. [42] Richelieu's
authority, however, was more absolute than that of Ximenes, for he was
screened by the shadow of royalty; while the latter was exposed, by his
insulated and unsheltered position, to the full blaze of envy, and, of
course, opposition. Both were ambitious of military glory, and showed
capacity for attaining it. Both achieved their great results by that rare
union of high mental endowments and great efficiency in action, which is
always irresistible.
[41] A little treatise has been devoted to this very subject, entitled
"Parallele du Card. Ximenes et du Card. Richelieu, par Mons. l'Abbe
Richard; a Trevoux, 1705." 222 pp. 12mo. The author, with a candor rare
indeed, where national vanity is interested, strikes the balance without
hesitation in favor of the foreigner Ximenes.
[42] The catalogue of the various offices of Ximenes occupies near half a
page of Quintanilla. At the time of his death, the chief ones that he
filled were, those of archbishop of Toledo, and consequently primate of
Spain, grand chancellor of Castile, cardinal of the Roman church,
inquisitor-general of Castile, and regent.
The moral basis of their characters was entirely different. The French
cardinal's was selfishness, pure and unmitigated. His religion, politics,
his principles in short, in every sense, were subservient to this.
Offences against the state he could forgive; those against himself he
pursued with implacable rancor. His authority was literally cemented with
blood. His immense powers and patronage were perverted to the
aggrandizement of his family. Though bold to temerity in his plans, he
betrayed more than once a want of true courage in their execution. Though
violent and impetuous, he could stoop to be a dissembler. Though arrogant
in the extreme, he courted the soft incense of flattery. In his manners he
had the advantage over the Spanish prelate. He could be a courtier in
courts, and had a more refined and cultivated taste. In one respect, he
had the advantage over Ximenes in morals. He was not, like him, a bigot.
He had not the religious basis in his composition, which is the foundation
of bigotry.--Their deaths were typical of their characters. Richelieu
died, as he had lived, so deeply execrated, that the enraged populace
would scarcely allow his remains to be laid quietly in the grave. Ximenes,
on the contrary, was buried amid the tears and lamentations of the people;
his memory was honored even by his enemies, and his name is reverenced by
his countrymen, to this day, as that of a Saint.
* * * * *
Dr. Lorenzo Galindez de Carbajal, one of the best authorities for
transactions in the latter part of our History, was born of a respectable
family, at Placencia, in 1472. Little is gathered of his early life, but
that he was studious in his habits, devoting himself assiduously to the
acquisition of the civil and canon law. He filled the chair of professor
in this department, at Salamanca, for several years. His great attainments
and respectable character recommended him to the notice of the Catholic
queen, who gave him a place in the royal council. In this capacity, he was
constantly at the court, where he seems to have maintained himself in the
esteem of his royal mistress, and of Ferdinand after her death. The queen
testified her respect for Carbajal, by appointing him one of the
commissioners for preparing a digest of the Castilian law. He made
considerable progress in this arduous work; but how great is uncertain,
since, from whatever cause, (there appears to be a mystery about it,) the
fruits of his labor were made public; a circumstance deeply regretted by
the Castilian jurists. (Asso y Manuel, Instituciones, Introd. p. 99.)
Carbajal left behind him several historical works, according to Nic.
Antonio, whose catalogue, however, rests on very slender grounds.
(Bibliotheca Nova, tom. ii. p. 3.) The work by which he is best known to
Spanish scholars, is his "Anales del Rey Don Fernando el Catolico," which
still remains in manuscript. There is certainly no Christian country, for
which the invention of printing, so liberally patronized there at its
birth, has done so little as for Spain. Her libraries teem at this day
with manuscripts of the greatest interest for the illustration of every
stage of her history; but which, alas! in the present gloomy condition of
affairs, have less chance of coming to the light, than at the close of the
fifteenth century, when the art of printing was in its infancy.
Carbajal's Annals cover the whole ground of our narrative, from the
marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, to the coming of Charles V. into
Spain. They are plainly written, without ambition of rhetorical show or
refinement. The early part is little better than memoranda of the
principal events of the period, with particular notice of all the
migrations of the court. In the concluding portion of the work, however,
comprehending Ferdinand's death, and the regency of Ximenes, the author is
very full and circumstantial. As he had a conspicuous place in the
government, and was always with the court, his testimony in regard to this
important period is of the highest value as that of an eye-witness and an
actor, and, it may be added, a man of sagacity and sound principles. No
better commentary on the merit of his work need be required, than the
brief tribute of Alvaro Gomez, the accomplished biographer of Cardinal
Ximenes. "Porro Annales Laurentii Galendi Caravajali, quibus vir
gravissimus rerumque illarum cum primis particeps quinquaginta ferme
annorum memoriam complexus est, haud vulgariter meam operam juverunt." De
Rebus Gestis, Praefatio.
