State of Nation Addresses Jefferson's State of the Nation Address: 17 October, 1803
by Thomas Jefferson
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
In calling you together, fellow citizens, at an earlier day than was
contemplated by the act of the last session of Congress, I have not
been insensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily
resulting from an unexpected change in your arrangements, but
matters of great public concernment have rendered this call
necessary, and the interests you feel in these will supersede in your
minds all private considerations.
Congress witnessed at their late session the extraordinary agitation
produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of
deposit at the port of New Orleans, no assignment of another place
having been made according to treaty. They were sensible that the
continuance of that privation would be more injurious to our nation
than any consequences which could flow from any mode of redress,
but reposing just confidence in the good faith of the Government
whose officer had committed the wrong, friendly and reasonable
representations were resorted to, and the right of deposit was
restored.
Previous, however, to this period we had not been unaware of the
danger to which our peace would be perpetually exposed whilst so
important a key to the commerce of the Western country remained
under foreign power. Difficulties, too, were presenting themselves
as to the navigation of other streams which, arising within our
territories, pass through those adjacent. Propositions had therefore
been authorized for obtaining on fair conditions the sovereignty of
New Orleans and of other possessions in that quarter interesting to
our quiet to such extent as was deemed practicable, and the
provisional appropriation of $2M to be applied and accounted for by
the President of the United States, intended as part of the price,
was considered as conveying the sanction of Congress to the
acquisition proposed. The enlightened Government of France saw
with just discernment the importance to both nations of such
liberal arrangements as might best and permanently promote the
peace, friendship, and interests of both, and the property and sovereignty
of all Louisiana which had been restored to them have on certain
conditions been transferred to the United States by instruments
bearing date the 30th of April last. When these shall have received
the constitutional sanction of the Senate, they will without delay be
communicated to the Representatives also for the exercise of their
functions as to those conditions which are within the powers vested
by the Constitution in Congress.
Whilst the property and sovereignty of the Mississippi and its waters
secure an independent outlet for the produce of the Western States
and an uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from
collision with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that
source, the fertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise in
due season important aids to our Treasury, an ample provision for
our posterity, and a wide spread for the blessings of freedom and equal
laws.
With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior
measures which may be necessary for the immediate occupation and
temporary government of the country; for its incorporation into our
Union; for rendering the change of government a blessing to our
newly adopted brethren; for securing to them the rights of
conscience and of property; for confirming to the Indian inhabitants
their occupancy and self-government, establishing friendly and
commercial relations with them, and for ascertaining the geography of
the country acquired. Such materials, for your information, relative
to its affairs in general as the short space of time has permitted me
to collect will be laid before you when the subject shall be in a state
for your consideration.
Another important acquisition of territory has also been made since
the last session of Congress. The friendly tribe of Kaskaskia
Indians, with which we have never had a difference, reduced by the
wars and wants of savage life to a few individuals unable to defend
themselves against the neighboring tribes, has transferred its
country to the United States, reserving only for its members what is
sufficient to maintain them in an agricultural way. The
considerations stipulated are that we shall extend to them our
patronage and protection and give them certain annual aids in money, in
implements of agriculture, and other articles of their choice. This
country, among the most fertile within our limits, extending along
the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to and up to the Ohio,
though not so necessary as a barrier since the acquisition of the
other bank, may yet be well worthy of being laid open to immediate
settlement, as its inhabitants may descend with rapidity in support
of the lower country should future circumstances expose that to
foreign enterprise. As the stipulations in this treaty involve
matters with the competence of both Houses only, it will be laid
before Congress as soon as the Senate shall have advised its
ratification.
With many of the other Indian tribes improvements in agriculture and
household manufacture are advancing, and with all our peace and
friendship are established on grounds much firmer than heretofore.
The measure adopted of establishing trading houses among them and
of furnishing them necessaries in exchange for their commodities at
such moderate prices as leave no gain, but cover us from loss, has
the most conciliatory and useful effect on them, and is that which will
best secure their peace and good will.
The small vessels authorized by Congress with a view to the
Mediterranean service have been sent into that sea, and will be able
more effectually to confine the Tripoline cruisers within their
harbors and supersede the necessity of convoy to our commerce in
that quarter. They will sensibly lessen the expenses of that service
the ensuing year.
A further knowledge of the ground in the northeastern and
northwestern angles of the United States has evinced that the
boundaries established by the treaty of Paris between the British
territories and ours in those parts were too imperfectly described to
be susceptible of execution. It has therefore been thought worthy
of attention for preserving and cherishing the harmony and useful
intercourse subsisting between the two nations to remove by timely
arrangements what unfavorable incidents might otherwise render a
ground of future misunderstanding. A convention has therefore
been entered into which provides for a practicable demarcation of
those limits to the satisfaction of both parties.
An account of the receipts and expenditures of the year ending the
30th of September last, with the estimates for the service of the
ensuing year, will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury
so soon as the receipts of the last quarter shall be returned from
the more distant States. It is already ascertained that the amount
paid into the Treasury for that year has been between $11M and $12M,
and that the revenue accrued during the same term exceeds the sum
counted on as sufficient for our current expenses and to extinguish
the public debt within the period heretofore proposed.
The amount of debt paid for the same year is about $3.1M exclusive
of interest, and making, with the payment of the preceding year, a
discharge of more than $8.5M of the principal of that debt, besides
the accruing interest; and there remain in the Treasury nearly $6M.
Of these, $880K have been reserved for payment of the first
installment due under the British convention of 1802 January 08, and
$2 millions are what have been before mentioned as placed by
Congress under the power and accountability of the President toward
the price of New Orleans and other territories acquired, which,
remaining untouched, are still applicable to that object and go in
diminution of the sum to be funded for it.
Should the acquisition of Louisiana be constitutionally confirmed and
carried into effect, a sum of nearly $13M will then be added to our
public debt, most of which is payable after 15 years, before which
term the present existing debts will all be discharged by the
established operation of the sinking fund. When we contemplate
the ordinary annual augmentation of impost from increasing
population and wealth, the augmentation of the same revenue by its
extension to the new acquisition, and the economies which may still
be introduced into our public expenditures, I can not but hope that
Congress in reviewing their resources will find means to meet the
intermediate interest of this additional debt without recurring to
new taxes, and applying to this object only the ordinary progression of
our revenue. Its extraordinary increase in times of foreign war will
be the proper and sufficient fund for any measures of safety or
precaution which that state of things may render necessary in our
neutral position.
Remittances for the installments of our foreign debt having been
found practicable without loss, it has not been thought expedient to
use the power given by a former act of Congress of continuing them
by reloans, and of redeeming instead thereof equal sums of domestic
debt, although no difficulty was found in obtaining that
accommodation.
The sum of $50K appropriated by Congress for providing gun boats
remains unexpended. The favorable and peaceable turn of affairs on
the Mississippi rendered an immediate execution of that law
unnecessary, and time was desirable in order that the institution of
that branch of our force might begin on models the most approved by
experience. The same issue of events dispensed with a resort to
the appropriation of $1.5M, contemplated for purposes which were
effected by happier means.
We have seen with sincere concern the flames of war lighted up
again in Europe, and nations with which we have the most friendly and
useful relations engaged in mutual destruction. While we regret the
miseries in which we see others involved, let us bow with gratitude
to that kind Providence which, inspiring with wisdom and moderation
our late legislative councils while placed under the urgency of the
greatest wrongs guarded us from hastily entering into the sanguinity
contest and left us only to look on and pity its ravages.
These will be heaviest on those immediately engaged. Yet the
nations pursuing peace will not be exempt from all evil.
In the course of this conflict let it be our endeavor, as it is our
interest and desire,
to cultivate the friendship of the belligerent nations by every
act of justice and of innocent kindness;
to receive their armed vessels with hospitality from the
distresses of the sea, but to administer the means of annoyance
to none;
to establish in our harbors such a police as may maintain law and
order;
to restrain our citizens from embarking individually in a war
in which their country takes no part;
to punish severely those persons, citizens or alien, who shall
usurp the cover of our flag for vessels not entitled to it,
infecting thereby with suspicion those of real Americans and
committing us into controversies for the redress of wrongs not
our own;
to exact from every nation the observance toward our vessels and
citizens of those principles and practices which all civilized
people acknowledge;
to merit the character of a just nation, and maintain that of
an independent one, preferring every consequence to insult and
habitual wrong.
Congress will consider whether the existing laws enable us
efficaciously to maintain this course with our citizens in all places
and with others while within the limits of our jurisdiction, and will give
them the new modifications necessary for these objects. Some
contraventions of right have already taken place, both within our
jurisdictional limits and on the high seas. The friendly disposition of
the Governments from whose agents they have proceeded, as well
as their wisdom and regard for justice, leave us in reasonable
expectation that they will be rectified and prevented in future, and that
no act will be countenanced by them which threatens to disturb our
friendly intercourse.
Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe and from the
political interests which entangle them together, with productions and
wants which render our commerce and friendship useful to them and
theirs to us, it can not be the interest of any to assail us, nor ours
to disturb them. We should be most unwise, indeed, were we to
cast away the singular blessings of the position in which nature has
placed us, the opportunity she has endowed us with of pursuing, at
a distance from foreign contentions, the paths of industry, peace, and
happiness, of cultivating general friendship, and of bringing collisions
of interest to the umpirage of reason rather than of force.
How desirable, then, must it be in a Government like ours to see its
citizens adopt individually the views, the interests, and the conduct
which their country should pursue, divesting themselves of those
passions and partialities which tend to lessen useful friendships and to
embarrass and embroil us in the calamitous scenes of Europe.
Confident, fellow citizens, that you will duly estimate the
importance of neutral dispositions toward the observance of neutral
conduct, that you will be sensible how much it is our duty to look on
the bloody arena spread before us with commiseration indeed, but
with no other wish than to see it closed, I am persuaded you will
cordially cherish these dispositions in all discussions among
yourselves and in all communications with your constituents; and I
anticipate with satisfaction the measures of wisdom which the great
interests now committed to you will give you an opportunity of
providing, and myself that of approving and carrying into execution with
the fidelity I owe to my country.