Before I had left America, that is to say in the year 1781. I
had received a letter from M. de Marbois, of the French legation in
Philadelphia, informing me he had been instructed by his government
to obtain such statistical accounts of the different states of our
Union, as might be useful for their information; and addressing to me
a number of queries relative to the state of Virginia. I had always
made it a practice whenever an opportunity occurred of obtaining any
information of our country, which might be of use to me in any
station public or private, to commit it to writing. These memoranda
were on loose papers, bundled up without order, and difficult of
recurrence when I had occasion for a particular one. I thought this
a good occasion to embody their substance, which I did in the order
of Mr. Marbois' queries, so as to answer his wish and to arrange them
for my own use. Some friends to whom they were occasionally
communicated wished for copies; but their volume rendering this too
laborious by hand, I proposed to get a few printed for their
gratification. I was asked such a price however as exceeded the
importance of the object. On my arrival at Paris I found it could be
done for a fourth of what I had been asked here. I therefore
corrected and enlarged them, and had 200. copies printed, under the
title of Notes on Virginia. I gave a very few copies to some
particular persons in Europe, and sent the rest to my friends in
America. An European copy, by the death of the owner, got into the
hands of a bookseller, who engaged it's translation, & when ready for
the press, communicated his intentions & manuscript to me, without
any other permission than that of suggesting corrections. I never
had seen so wretched an attempt at translation. Interverted,
abridged, mutilated, and often reversing the sense of the original, I
found it a blotch of errors from beginning to end. I corrected some
of the most material, and in that form it was printed in French. A
London bookseller, on seeing the translation, requested me to permit
him to print the English original. I thought it best to do so to let
the world see that it was not really so bad as the French translation
had made it appear. And this is the true history of that
publication.
Mr. Adams soon joined us at Paris, & our first employment was
to prepare a general form to be proposed to such nations as were
disposed to treat with us. During the negotiations for peace with
the British Commissioner David Hartley, our Commissioners had
proposed, on the suggestion of Doctr. Franklin, to insert an article
exempting from capture by the public or private armed ships of either
belligerent, when at war, all merchant vessels and their cargoes,
employed merely in carrying on the commerce between nations. It was
refused by England, and unwisely, in my opinion. For in the case of
a war with us, their superior commerce places infinitely more at
hazard on the ocean than ours; and as hawks abound in proportion to
game, so our privateers would swarm in proportion to the wealth
exposed to their prize, while theirs would be few for want of
subjects of capture. We inserted this article in our form, with a
provision against the molestation of fishermen, husbandmen, citizens
unarmed and following their occupations in unfortified places, for
the humane treatment of prisoners of war, the abolition of contraband
of war, which exposes merchant vessels to such vexatious & ruinous
detentions and abuses; and for the principle of free bottoms, free
goods.
In a conference with the Count de Vergennes, it was thought
better to leave to legislative regulation on both sides such
modifications of our commercial intercourse as would voluntarily flow
from amicable dispositions. Without urging, we sounded the ministers
of the several European nations at the court of Versailles, on their
dispositions towards mutual commerce, and the expediency of
encouraging it by the protection of a treaty. Old Frederic of
Prussia met us cordially and without hesitation, and appointing the
Baron de Thulemeyer, his minister at the Hague, to negotiate with us,
we communicated to him our Project, which with little alteration by
the King, was soon concluded. Denmark and Tuscany entered also into
negotiations with us. Other powers appearing indifferent we did not
think it proper to press them. They seemed in fact to know little
about us, but as rebels who had been successful in throwing off the
yoke of the mother country. They were ignorant of our commerce,
which had been always monopolized by England, and of the exchange of
articles it might offer advantageously to both parties. They were
inclined therefore to stand aloof until they could see better what
relations might be usefully instituted with us. The negotiations
therefore begun with Denmark & Tuscany we protracted designedly until
our powers had expired; and abstained from making new propositions to
others having no colonies; because our commerce being an exchange of
raw for wrought materials, is a competent price for admission into
the colonies of those possessing them: but were we to give it,
without price, to others, all would claim it without price on the
ordinary ground of gentis amicissimae.
Mr. Adams being appointed Min. Pleny. of the U S. to London,
left us in June, and in July 1785. Dr. Franklin returned to America,
and I was appointed his successor at Paris. In Feb. 1786. Mr. Adams
wrote to me pressingly to join him in London immediately, as he
thought he discovered there some symptoms of better disposition
towards us. Colo. Smith, his Secretary of legation, was the bearer
of his urgencies for my immediate attendance. I accordingly left
Paris on the 1st. of March, and on my arrival in London we agreed on
a very summary form of treaty, proposing an exchange of citizenship
for our citizens, our ships, and our productions generally, except as
to office. On my presentation as usual to the King and Queen at
their levees, it was impossible for anything to be more ungracious
than their notice of Mr. Adams & myself. I saw at once that the
ulcerations in the narrow mind of that mulish being left nothing to
be expected on the subject of my attendance; and on the first
conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, his Minister of foreign
affairs, the distance and disinclination which he betrayed in his
conversation, the vagueness & evasions of his answers to us,
confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to have anything to do
with us. We delivered him however our Projet, Mr. Adams not
despairing as much as I did of it's effect. We afterwards, by one or
more notes, requested his appointment of an interview and conference,
which, without directly declining, he evaded by pretences of other
pressing occupations for the moment. After staying there seven
weeks, till within a few days of the expiration of our commission, I
informed the minister by note that my duties at Paris required my
return to that place, and that I should with pleasure be the bearer
of any commands to his Ambassador there. He answered that he had
none, and wishing me a pleasant journey, I left London the 26th.
arrived at Paris on the 30th. of April.
While in London we entered into negotiations with the Chevalier
Pinto, Ambassador of Portugal at that place. The only article of
difficulty between us was a stipulation that our bread stuff should
be received in Portugal in the form of flour as well as of grain. He
approved of it himself, but observed that several Nobles, of great
influence at their court, were the owners of wind mills in the
neighborhood of Lisbon which depended much for their profits on
manufacturing our wheat, and that this stipulation would endanger the
whole treaty. He signed it however, & it's fate was what he had
candidly portended.
My duties at Paris were confined to a few objects; the receipt
of our whale-oils, salted fish, and salted meats on favorable terms,
the admission of our rice on equal terms with that of Piedmont, Egypt
& the Levant, a mitigation of the monopolies of our tobacco by the
Farmers-general, and a free admission of our productions into their
islands; were the principal commercial objects which required
attention; and on these occasions I was powerfully aided by all the
influence and the energies of the Marquis de La Fayette, who proved
himself equally zealous for the friendship and welfare of both
nations; and in justice I must also say that I found the government
entirely disposed to befriend us on all occasions, and to yield us
every indulgence not absolutely injurious to themselves. The Count
de Vergennes had the reputation with the diplomatic corps of being
wary & slippery in his diplomatic intercourse; and so he might be
with those whom he knew to be slippery and double-faced themselves.
As he saw that I had no indirect views, practised no subtleties,
meddled in no intrigues, pursued no concealed object, I found him as
frank, as honorable, as easy of access to reason as any man with whom
I had ever done business; and I must say the same for his successor
Montmorin, one of the most honest and worthy of human beings.
Our commerce in the Mediterranean was placed under early alarm
by the capture of two of our vessels and crews by the Barbary
cruisers. I was very unwilling that we should acquiesce in the
European humiliation of paying a tribute to those lawless pirates,
and endeavored to form an association of the powers subject to
habitual depredations from them. I accordingly prepared and proposed
to their ministers at Paris, for consultation with their governments,
articles of a special confederation in the following form.
* * *
"Proposals for concerted operation among the powers at war with
the Piratical States of Barbary.
1. It is proposed that the several powers at war with the
Piratical States of Barbary, or any two or more of them who shall be
willing, shall enter into a convention to carry on their operations
against those states, in concert, beginning with the Algerines.
2. This convention shall remain open to any other power who
shall at any future time wish to accede to it; the parties reserving
a right to prescribe the conditions of such accession, according to
the circumstances existing at the time it shall be proposed.
3. The object of the convention shall be to compel the
piratical states to perpetual peace, without price, & to guarantee
that peace to each other.
4. The operations for obtaining this peace shall be constant
cruises on their coast with a naval force now to be agreed on. It is
not proposed that this force shall be so considerable as to be
inconvenient to any party. It is believed that half a dozen
frigates, with as many Tenders or Xebecs, one half of which shall be
in cruise, while the other half is at rest, will suffice.
5. The force agreed to be necessary shall be furnished by the
parties in certain quotas now to be fixed; it being expected that
each will be willing to contribute in such proportion as circumstance
may render reasonable.
6. As miscarriages often proceed from the want of harmony
among officers of different nations, the parties shall now consider &
decide whether it will not be better to contribute their quotas in
money to be employed in fitting out, and keeping on duty, a single
fleet of the force agreed on.
7. The difficulties and delays too which will attend the
management of these operations, if conducted by the parties
themselves separately, distant as their courts may be from one
another, and incapable of meeting in consultation, suggest a question
whether it will not be better for them to give full powers for that
purpose to their Ambassadors or other ministers resident at some one
court of Europe, who shall form a Committee or Council for carrying
this convention into effect; wherein the vote of each member shall be
computed in proportion to the quota of his sovereign, and the
majority so computed shall prevail in all questions within the view
of this convention. The court of Versailles is proposed, on account
of it's neighborhood to the Mediterranean, and because all those
powers are represented there, who are likely to become parties to
this convention.
8. To save to that council the embarrassment of personal
solicitations for office, and to assure the parties that their
contributions will be applied solely to the object for which they are
destined, there shall be no establishment of officers for the said
Council, such as Commis, Secretaries, or any other kind, with either
salaries or perquisites, nor any other lucrative appointments but
such whose functions are to be exercised on board the sd vessels.
9. Should war arise between any two of the parties to this
convention it shall not extend to this enterprise, nor interrupt it;
but as to this they shall be reputed at peace.
10. When Algiers shall be reduced to peace, the other
pyratical states, if they refuse to discontinue their pyracies shall
become the objects of this convention, either successively or
together as shall seem best.
11. Where this convention would interfere with treaties
actually existing between any of the parties and the sd states of
Barbary, the treaty shall prevail, and such party shall be allowed to
withdraw from the operations against that state."
* * *
Spain had just concluded a treaty with Algiers at the expense
of 3. millions of dollars, and did not like to relinquish the benefit
of that until the other party should fail in their observance of it.
Portugal, Naples, the two Sicilies, Venice, Malta, Denmark and Sweden
were favorably disposed to such an association; but their
representatives at Paris expressed apprehensions that France would
interfere, and, either openly or secretly support the Barbary powers;
and they required that I should ascertain the dispositions of the
Count de Vergennes on the subject. I had before taken occasion to
inform him of what we were proposing, and therefore did not think it
proper to insinuate any doubt of the fair conduct of his government;
but stating our propositions, I mentioned the apprehensions
entertained by us that England would interfere in behalf of those
piratical governments. "She dares not do it," said he. I pressed it
no further. The other agents were satisfied with this indication of
his sentiments, and nothing was now wanting to bring it into direct
and formal consideration, but the assent of our government, and their
authority to make the formal proposition. I communicated to them the
favorable prospect of protecting our commerce from the Barbary
depredations, and for such a continuance of time as, by an exclusion
of them from the sea, to change their habits & characters from a
predatory to an agricultural people: towards which however it was
expected they would contribute a frigate, and it's expenses to be in
constant cruise. But they were in no condition to make any such
engagement. Their recommendatory powers for obtaining contributions
were so openly neglected by the several states that they declined an
engagement which they were conscious they could not fulfill with
punctuality; and so it fell through.
May 17. In 1786. while at Paris I became acquainted with John
Ledyard of Connecticut, a man of genius, of some science, and of
fearless courage, & enterprise. He had accompanied Capt Cook in his
voyage to the Pacific, had distinguished himself on several occasions
by an unrivalled intrepidity, and published an account of that voyage
with details unfavorable to Cook's deportment towards the savages,
and lessening our regrets at his fate. Ledyard had come to Paris in
the hope of forming a company to engage in the fur trade of the
Western coast of America. He was disappointed in this, and being out
of business, and of a roaming, restless character, I suggested to him
the enterprise of exploring the Western part of our continent, by
passing thro St. Petersburg to Kamschatka, and procuring a passage
thence in some of the Russian vessels to Nootka Sound, whence he
might make his way across the continent to America; and I undertook
to have the permission of the Empress of Russia solicited. He
eagerly embraced the proposition, and M. de Semoulin, the Russian
Ambassador, and more particularly Baron Grimm the special
correspondent of the Empress, solicited her permission for him to
pass thro' her dominions to the Western coast of America. And here I
must correct a material error which I have committed in another place
to the prejudice of the Empress. In writing some Notes of the life
of Capt Lewis, prefixed to his expedition to the Pacific, I stated
that the Empress gave the permission asked, & afterwards retracted
it. This idea, after a lapse of 26 years, had so insinuated itself
into my mind, that I committed it to paper without the least
suspicion of error. Yet I find, on recurring to my letters of that
date that the Empress refused permission at once, considering the
enterprise as entirely chimerical. But Ledyard would not relinquish
it, persuading himself that by proceeding to St. Petersburg he could
satisfy the Empress of it's practicability and obtain her permission.
He went accordingly, but she was absent on a visit to some distant
part of her dominions, (* 4) and he pursued his course to within 200.
miles of Kamschatka, where he was overtaken by an arrest from the
Empress, brought back to Poland, and there dismissed. I must
therefore in justice, acquit the Empress of ever having for a moment
countenanced, even by the indulgence of an innocent passage thro' her
territories this interesting enterprise.
